<Southeast Asia>
One of the most important characteristics of Southeast Asia seems to be diversity, which has been formed, above all, through its geographical environments and historical and cultural experiences with various countries abroad and among themselves. In spite of the diversity, there have been constant attempts to build a Southeast Asian regionalism through binding together Southeast Asian countries into a community. For example, the ASEAN leaders in 2003 agreed to establish the ASEAN community until 2020 and even signed the ASEAN Charter in late 2007, whose purpose is to build a regional identity and a regional integration.
However, there are many obstacles to the realization of the ASEAN community. For example, the big gap in the level of the economic development among the member states of the ASEAN and the lack of the will to integrate Southeast Asian markets on the part of the member states’ governments and businessmen in the region. Another problem is conflicts among the member states such as those concerning the construction of dams and the illegal immigrants and, more recently, the territorial quarrel on the Hindu temple Preah Vihear between Thailand and Cambodia.
The most important recent aspect of the external relation of Southeast Asia seems to be that with China. Southeast Asian relation with China has not only a cooperative aspect, which can be seen in the establishment of the bilateral strategic partnership between the two sides and the signing of the ASEAN-China FTA in 2002. There is but a possibility of Chinese threat to Southeast Asia too, which can be, above all, seen in the Chinese economic expansion to various Mainland Southeast Asian countries and maritime disputes over some islands in the South China Sea between some Southeast Asian countries and China.

<Thailand>
The aspects of Buddhism and the King are emphasized to show the historical continuity to influence the contemporary Thailand. For Thai political structure, the parliamentary system since the constitutional monarchy in 1932 is investigated. For the recent political change of Thailand, the 1997 Constitution and the 2007 Constitution are compared. The King Bhumibol’s traditional leadership is contrasted with the former prime minister Thaksin’s entrepreneur style leadership to look into the current Thai politics. After the description of many political changes since the 2006 coup, Thai politics is evaluated to experience an inevitable process resulted from the disharmony between the institution and the leadership. Then the problems facing Thai democracy are analyzed with some future prospect.
For the state goal and policy of Thailand, the policy statement to the National Assembly delivered by the prime minister Yingluck Shinawatra is analyzed and various policy fields are classified in detail. The foreign relations of Thailand are described with emphasis on ASEAN, the USA, and China. The diplomatic relations with Korea are studied in the context of historical development and sectoral situation along with the Thai perspective of Korea.
<Vietnam>
Vietnam has grown so fast, marking nearly 10% of annual GDP growth since early 1990s, after launching the reform policy at the second half of the 1980s. However the political reform in Vietnam has still not proceeded well, continuing the one party rule.
In order to accomplish the economic development Vietnam has focused on the integration to the international community and establishing the stable and peaceful international environment. Meanwhile conservative voices to defend the socialist regime also exist.
This trend of national policy was endorsed again at the 11th Congress of the Vietnamese Communist Party as well as the 13th National Assembly and the Government in 2011. It is suggested for the future Korean foreign policy to share the experiences and to find the ways of the sustainable development and harmonized society with Vietnam, deepening the economic and socio-cultural relationship.

<Indonesia>
The purpose of this chapter is to analyze the change and characteristic of the political and diplomatic area in the recent Yudhoyono’s government in Indonesia. The analysis level of this article is that first, the factor of historical- structural power which Indonesia’s society have been lead; second, focusing on the distinctiveness of the political power structure, political party system, political elites of Yudhoyono’s government; third, explaining the national goal and policy of the current government and measuring the empowerment of Indonesia governance; fourth, after democratization in Indonesia, analyzing the Indonesia foreign policy’ change, vision, conflict issues and meaning.
Absolutely the change of the contents and direction of the recent  Indonesia’s political and foreign area is very positive and future- oriented. The political results of Indonesia’s democratization has been influenced on the Indonesia’s foreign power and position in regional and international level. Yudhoyono’s government vision is to develop democracy, muslim and modernization with harmony. However, Money politics in Indonesia, namely the politics of corruption cartel, have been made a problem openly since after the fall of the Soeharto’s regime. Anti-corruption reform in Indonesia is very important to enhance not only administrative’s governance empowerment but also the public function of political party, parliament and the judical system. Indeed, Renovation of public organization and governance in Indonesia have been influenced on democracy and prosperity of Indonesia reciprocally.  

<Philippines>
The Philippine politics is continuously influenced by the traditional family-oriented social value system and the unequal socioeconomic class structure that formulated during the colonial period. They provide the backgrounds for the traditional ruling elite group to maintain and inherit their political privilege generation to generation. The Philippine politics has been operated under a democratic institution for a long time even it is subjected to criticism for its lack of substances. In theory, Filipinos express their political will during the periodical election, and they fulfill their self-governance through the local government system. However, in practice, such democratic institutions are easily abused by the lack of socioeconomic fundamentals for flowering the democratic values. Furthermore, the Philippine political leaders did not show their strong will to change such fundamentals. Recently, some changes could be sensed in the Philippine politics. It is followed by the generational shift within the ruling elite group. It could be seen as a simple change of the same kind with the political family from father to his son or daughter, but the behavior of the young political figures seem to be different from the older generation. They tend to abstain themselves from power abuses and to mind their political accountability.     
Even though the Philippine democratic system could not avoid the criticism for its lack of substances, the Philippine political elites gradually listen to the people’s voice to fill in the lack. Considering these tendency, Korean government need to give more efforts to earn the Filipino mind through informal diplomatic activities. Filipinos has the political culture of ‘utang na loop(debt within the heart)’, which implies the Filipino tendency to repay as much as they received. Korean government needs to concern about the poor living condition of the Filipino underclass who constitutes about 90% of the total population, and provide necessary assistance for improving the situation. Such efforts will help to grow among the Filipinos the mind of gratitude toward Korea. The Filipino public opinion will be delivered to the ruling elites and reflected to the Philippine diplomatic policy. Recently the perception rate of Korea in the Philippines is increasing rapidly thanks to the Korean popular culture. If Korean government officially engaged in the Korean Wave too much, Filipinos would misunderstand the Korean Wave as a cultural imperialism driven by Korean government. Therefore, it would be desirable for Korean government to exert more efforts to plant the mindful and helpful national image of Korea to Filipino masses by engaging in social developmental activities rather than popular cultural activities.

국문요약 

제1장 서론 
1. 연구의 배경 및 목적 
2. 연구의 내용 및 방법 

제2장 동남아시아 
1. 동남아시아의 지리적 환경 
2. 동남아시아의 문화적ㆍ역사적 특징 
가. 문화적 중층성과 다양성 
나. 식민화와 식민주의의 영향 
다. 국민국가 건설과 국가통합의 문제 
라. 동남아시아에서의 종교의 역할 
3. 동남아시아의 정치ㆍ경제적 변화의 특징 
가. ASEAN의 협력 및 통합의 추구 
나. ASEAN의 역내 갈등과 ASEAN 통합에 대한 회의 
4. 동남아시아의 역외 관계의 특징 
가. 대륙 동남아시아 국가들에 대한 중국의 경제적 팽창 
나. 남중국해에서 중국과 동남아시아 국가들 간의 해양영토 분쟁 
5. 소결 

제3장 태국 
1. 현재를 움직이는 역사성 
가. 태국 사회와 불교 
나. 태국의 역사와 국왕 
2. 정치구조 및 정치 엘리트 리더쉽의 특징 
가. 태국의 의회정치 구조 
나. 태국의 1997년 헌법과 2007년 헌법 비교 
다. 태국 정치 리더쉽의 특징 
라. 2006년 쿠데타 이후 태국 정치 
마. 현대 태국 정치의 평가와 전망 
3. 현 정부의 국가목표와 정책 
4. 역내ㆍ외 대외관계의 구조와 특징 
가. 대ASEAN 관계 
나. 대미국 관계 
다. 대중국 관계 
라. 대한국 관계 
마. 태국의 한국에 대한 인식 
5. 소결 

제4장 베트남 
1. 현재를 움직이는 역사성 
가. 정치ㆍ경제체제의 변화과정 
나. 대외관계의 변화과정 
2. 정치구조 및 정치 엘리트 리더쉽의 특징 
가. 조직원리 및 정치체계 
나. 제11기 당 지도부 구성 
다. 제13기 국회 및 정부 구성 
라. 현 정치체제 평가 
3. 현 정부의 국가목표와 정책 
가. 현 발전단계 평가 
나. 향후 10년간 발전 전략 
다. 향후 5년간(2011~15년) 발전 목표 
4. 역내ㆍ외 대외관계의 구조와 특징 
가. 대외정책의 목표 
나. 경제협력 
다. 정치ㆍ안보 협력 
라. 베트남의 한국에 대한 인식 
5. 소결 

제5장 인도네시아 
1. 현재를 움직이는 역사성 
가. 이슬람과 정치 
나. 경제발전의 가능성과 현실 
다. 시민사회의 성장 
2. 정치구조 및 정치 엘리트 리더쉽의 특징 
가. 절차적 민주주의 공고화 
나. 대통령제와 비례대표제의 조합 
다. 주요 사건과 정치인물 관계 그리고 정치적 의미 
3. 현 정부의 국정목표와 거버넌스 
가. 목표 및 전략 
나. WGI를 통해서 본 인도네시아 국정운영 수준 
4. 역내ㆍ외 대외관계의 구조와 특징 
가. 민주화 이후 인도네시아 대외관계 특징의 변화: 다층적 행위자 
나. 역내 관계 
다. 역외 관계 
라. 인도네시아의 한국에 대한 인식 
5. 소결 

제6장 필리핀 
1. 현재를 움직이는 역사성 
가. 필리핀 사회ㆍ문화적 특징의 형성과 전개 
나. 필리핀 정치체제의 형성과 전개 
2. 정치구조 및 정치 엘리트 리더쉽의 특징 
가. 정치체제 및 권력구조  
나. 정치 엘리트의 리더쉽 
3. 현 정부의 국가목표와 정책 
가. 현 정부의 국가목표 
나. 중점적 정책추진 사안 
4. 역내ㆍ외 대외관계의 구조와 특징 
가. 외교정책의 결정구조와 중점사안 
나. 역내 관계 
다. 역외 관계 
5. 소결 

제7장 한국에 대한 시사점과 종합적 관찰 
1. 동남아시아 4개국 정치와 대외관계 비교 
가. 태국 
나. 베트남 
다. 인도네시아 
라. 필리핀 
2. 한국의 동남아시아에 대한 전략적 접근방안의 시사점 
가. 태국 
나. 베트남 
다. 인도네시아 
라. 필리핀 

참고문헌 

Executive Summary