국문요약

 

제1장 서론
1. 연구목적
2. 연구의 내용과 차별성

제2장 혁신성장 관련 데이터 법ㆍ제도
1. 혁신성장과 데이터
2. 혁신성장 관련 개인정보 보호와 활용
3. 데이터세트의 확보
4. 데이터와 경쟁법
5. 국경간 데이터 이전과 조화

제3장 혁신성장 관련 지식재산권
1. 혁신성장과 지식재산권
2. 인공지능 관련 지식재산권 쟁점
3. 우리나라 혁신성장 관련 지식재산권 보호

제4장 혁신성장과 표준
1. 혁신성장과 표준전략
2. 4차 산업혁명 시대와 시스템ㆍ플랫폼 표준의 역할 부상
3. 국가표준 거버넌스 및 주요국의 표준정책과 제도
4. 우리나라의 표준화 현황
5. APEC의 표준 관련 논의 동향

제5장 결론 및 시사점
1. 혁신성장과 데이터 관련 법ㆍ제도
2. 혁신성장과 지식재산권
3. 혁신성장과 표준

참고문헌

Executive Summary

   The purpose of this study is to analyze institutional changes implemented by the regulatory bodies in developed countries-such as the US, the European Union (EU), and Japan-in response to the 4th Industrial Revolution, and draw policy implications for Korea. More specifically, this research examines the institutional and legal changes taken by major countries and Korea on the three major topics of Big Data, intellectual property rights (IPRs), and standards.
   Chapter 2 deals with major issues in the field of data regulation, and examines institutional and legal changes implemented by major countries. In the first section, this chapter first identifies the key challenges in today’s “data era” as: 1) finding the right balance between data protection and data usage, 2) securing access to datasets, 3) regulating data monopoly, and 4) regulating cross-border data transfer and achieving global harmonization. Section 2 analyzes data regulations in the US, the EU, Japan, and Korea, focusing on each country’s regulations on opt-in (requiring express consent from the individual in order to process their data) or opt-out methods, data purpose limitation, data minimization, and the pseudonymization/anonymization of data. Section 3 examines regulations related to Midata and public data-both of which can help secure datasets available to data utilizers-in major countries. In Section 4, we examine the relations between Big Data and competition law, which is a relatively new issue in the field. Section 5 wraps up the chapter with a discussion on regulating cross-border data transfer and achieving global harmonization. 
   Chapter 3 examines IPR issues in relation to the development of Artificial Intelligence (AI). After reviewing the status and development trends of AI in this era of innovative growth, this chapter outlines two major issues in the IPR area that have emerged with the advancement of AI technology. The first is the issue of IP protection for AI systems. Many countries recognize that the development of algorithms or software is a crucial driving force for AI development, and thus endeavor to encourage development of algorithms and software by enhancing their legal protection framework. Some countries-like the US, the EU and Japan-are considering not only copyright but also patent and trade secret protection, in protecting AI-related IP. This study looks into the cases of the US, the EU, and Japan to identify trends in legal protection for AI-related technology. The second issue regards the patentability of inventions created by AIs, and whether AI innovations (in which AI holds the patent) necessitate legal protection. The US and Japan so far have taken negative stands on granting patents to AI systems, but at the same time their governments are keeping an eye on changes in trend.
   Chapter 4 observes the growing importance of standards, and how major countries including the US, China, Germany, and Japan are responding to the trend. As the society advances into the 4th Industrial Revolution era characterized by “hyper-connectivity,” the importance of standards-as a key instrument in connecting different devices together-is all the more emphasized. This chapter focuses on major countries’ development of standards systems, standards policy, and the recent trends in standards R&D. In particular, it focuses on the problem of linkage between R&D and standards, and between standards and regulations, and each country’s efforts in harmonization. It also introduces the recent discussions on standards policy and conformity assessment in the Asia Pacific Economic Cooperation (APEC) Sub-Committee on Standards and Conformance (SCSC) and Telecommunications and Information Working Group (TEL WG).
   Lastly, Chapter 5 analyzes the measures to improve Korea’s institution and legal system in relation to data regulation, IPRs, and standards. In the data regulation sphere, it is necessary to revise the current data law in order to allow for more data utilization, while providing a practical level of protection. The revision should also be in line with the level of protection required by the EU’s General Data Protection Regulation (GDPR), in order to pass the adequacy test. To expand the dataset and prohibit data monopoly, it is also necessary to establish legal grounds for data transfer. Regarding IPRs, the discussion on computer-related inventions should focus on determining the criteria for “creative concepts” or technical features. Also, regulations that address the problem of repeatability, which is common in AI-related inventions, should be newly established. It will also be advisable to apply more limited protection to creations by AI. Finally, in the area of standards, the government must strive for the adoption of Korea’s national standards by international standards bodies. It should also make efforts to reduce costs by: 1) shortening the standard-setting period, and 2) utilizing government-funded R&D projects by extracting national standards from the projects and promoting these to become international standards. In addition, it will be necessary to minimize the time and cost required to establish technical regulations by harmonizing technical regulations with national standards.

국문요약 

제1장 서론
1. 연구의 배경 및 목적
2. 연구 내용
3. 연구 방법
4. 연구의 기대효과 및 한계

제2장 선행연구 검토 및 분석의 틀
1. 선행연구 검토
2. 분석의 틀

제3장 국별 여성연맹 분석 및 비교
1. 베트남 여성연맹
2. 라오스 여성연맹
3. 미얀마 여성연맹
4. 소결: 국별 비교 분석

제4장 조선사회주의여성동맹
1. 활동
2. 업무 운영 체계
3. 소결: 동남아 3개국 여성연맹 비교 결과와 조선사회주의여성동맹과의 비교

제5장 결론
1. 연구요약: 동남아 여성연맹 분석을 통한 조선여맹의 활동 예측
2. 향후 북한 개발협력 사업을 위한 조력 기구로서의 조선사회주의여성동맹 역할 검토

참고문헌

Executive Summary

   This study aims at finding possible partnership mechanism and modality for external development partners with Chosun Socialist Women’s Union(CSWU) in North Korea when carrying out development programs on women’s issues in the future. The analysis will be done by comparing CSWU with three women’s unions with socialist backgrounds in Southeast Asia(i.e., Vietnam Women’s Union(VWU), Lao Women’s Union(LWU) and Myanmar Women’s Affairs Federation(MWAF)) by comparing their history, mission and operation. Currently, VWU, LWU and MWAF are actively cooperating with international actors on women’s development projects in their own respective countries, and the author tries to find implications for future cooperation with North Korea from their experiences.  
   Chapter 2 reviews existing literature on women in socialist states and on the evolution and status of the three women’s unions(VWU, LWU and MWAF). It also lays out analytical framework to be used throughout this study. Chapter 3 reviews history, organizational evolution, missions and activities of VWU, LWU and MWAF. In order to analyze each women’s union, their 1)activities in three sectors (politics, economy and welfare) and 2)operational mechanism were examined. The internal and external operational mechanisms of these women’s unions and their location in each country’s gender governance were also reviewed. In addition, the location of each women’s union within their country’s gender governance system were identified. Development partners’ current cooperation programs with women’s unions were also examined, by identifying the partnership method and modalities.
   VWU, LWU and MWAF have all in common its top-down operational mechanism which reaches to the grass-root level in society. However, VWU and LWU shares much similar history of being mass mobilized for socialist state-building and later fighting against American imperialism. Over the course of history, their original mission and activities changed and with the reform and opening, these two unions now work for gender equality and women’s empowerment in their respective countries. MWAF however shows different nature, in that it was established rather recently with a direct aim of empowering women in Myanmar.
   Chapter 4 analyzes history and evolution of CSWU. Similar with VWU and LWU, CSWU shares the history of being mass mobilized for state-building, disseminating socialist propaganda and providing  women’s labor force for socialist economic development. CSWU also shares the top-down organizational operational structure. However, different from VWU and LWU, CSWU is under much heavier control of the People’s Party and lacks autonomy.
   The top-down organizational structure, its reach over the grassroot(commune) and the information these unions acquire on community can be a strength when working with international development partners. However, in the case of North Korea and for the CSWU, the one-man dictatorship system, strong control of Workers’ Party of Korea (WPK) over CSWU and the unshakable patriarchal culture of North Korea all comprise a distinctive feature of CSWU, which in turn can contribute to the difficulty and restriction for development partners’ cooperation with CSWU in the future.
 

국문요약 

제1장 서론
1. 연구 배경 및 목적
2. 연구의 주요 내용 및 한계
3. 선행연구 검토 및 차별성
4. 연구의 수행방법

제2장 베트남 교통분야 개발 현황과 개발수요
1. 베트남 국가개발전략 및 교통분야 추진체계
2. 베트남 교통분야 개발 현황 및 정책
3. 교통분야 개발협력에의 시사점

제3장 국제사회의 베트남 교통분야 개발협력 현황과 분석
1. 베트남 ODA 수원체계
2. 국제사회의 베트남 교통분야 개발협력 현황
3. 국제기구 및 주요 공여국의 교통분야 개발협력 비교 분석

제4장 한국과 베트남의 교통분야 협력 현황과 과제
1. 경제협력 현황
2. 개발협력 현황 및 협력방안
3. 교통분야 개발협력 종합검토

제5장 한국의 베트남 교통분야에 대한 개발협력 방안
1. 교통분야 개발협력 전략 및 방향
2. 교통분야 개발협력 부문별 협력방안

제6장 요약 및 정책제언
1. 요약
2. 정책제언

참고문헌

부록

Executive Summary

   The purpose of this study is to establish a development cooperation plan that meets the development needs of Vietnam's transportation infrastructure.
   The current status and demands of development in Vietnam's transportation infrastructure were analyzed in consideration of development cooperation trends between Korea and Vietnam, and the direction of cooperation in transportation sector development are proposed as well. Our proposals are based on an analysis of assistance from international organizations and major donor countries. To this end, local data on policies and future plans related to the transportation sector were collected from visiting various related agencies located in Vietnam, such as the Ministry of Transport in Vietnam, Department of Transport in Hanoi, and Hanoi office of KOICA located in Vietnam. Also, field research was performed by holding workshops and invitational workshops to identify the needs of Vietnam government in terms of developing the transportation sector, and to collect the latest data in Vietnam. During our field research, interviews were conducted with government officials at the Ministry of Transport.
   In the first Chapter, the purpose of this study, its background, review of pre-research and research method are presented.
   Chapter 2 identifies the development status and development demand of transportation infrastructure in Vietnam based on an analysis of the overall national development strategy in Vietnam, economic trends and prospects, sustainable development goals of UN, and the status of the promotion system by transportation sector, and also focuses on presenting implications for development cooperation between Korea and Vietnam. In order to develop the plan, it is necessary to identify various transportation infrastructure development goals such as socio-economic development goals based on the national development strategy of Vietnam, factors favorable and unfavorable to Korea according to economic trends, and the sustainable development goals of the UN. Following this, the status of development and related policies by transportation sector such as roads, railways, airports, ports, urban transport and logistics were reviewed and analyzed based on various statistical data collected by Korean and Vietnamese experts. As a result, the following three implications were identified: an absolute shortage in transportation infrastructure corresponding to economic growth, insufficiency of mid- and short-term plans and delayed implementation of transportation infrastructure projects, and the lack of related laws and planning capacity to establish efficient transportation systems.
   The third Chapter surveyed the current status of cooperation in transportation development as they relate to the international community in Vietnam, and reviewed the case of development cooperation projects conducted at six banks, which serve as the major donors in Vietnam, and the ODA system of Vietnam. Our analysis showed that currently the Vietnamese government is promoting development cooperation in the transportation sector with the introduction of preferential loans and the establishment of ODA-related laws such as PPP projects. In addition, the status of support by major international organizations and donor countries(World Bank, ADB, Korea, Japan, France, and Germany), currently supporting about 95%(12.89 billion US dollars) of the total ODA in Vietnam’s transportation sector, were analyzed. Furthermore, the case of China’s Belt and Road Initiative, which is not included in major donor countries but closely linked to Vietnam’s Two Corridors and One Economic Circle, was investigated. By comparing and analyzing the data of international cooperation, it became clear that not only the demand in Vietnam but also the assistance plans of developing cooperation partners should be carefully considered when promoting international cooperation for transportation development in Vietnam.
   Chapter 4 analyzed the implementation of the Korea-Vietnam Financial Cooperation Agreement (2014) and the Development Experience Exchange Partnership Program (DEEP) projects in the transportation sector, also identifying the status of support for transport projects and cooperation in the sector. In particular, we follow the progress of transport logistics infrastructure projects in Vietnam coordinated through the cooperation center jointly operated by the Korea Transport Institute after the 2018 Hanoi summit in Vietnam. Based on the results of our analysis of the country partnership strategy for Vietnam, annual implementation plans, and cooperation status and strategies by institutions, we propose a strategy to support an Intelligent Traffic System(ITS) and road transport system using Korea’s advanced IT technology. Our analysis of the status of cooperation by institutions showed that links to follow-up projects are needed to effectively support regional development by cooperating in the transportation sector. These results, therefore, suggest the need to share experiences and knowledge in the Korean land and transport sector and to pursue government programs and promotion plans based on solid field research.
   Finally, based on the findings of the preceding chapters, Chapter 5 presents the strategies and directions for development cooperation in Vietnam’s transportation sector and cooperation plans by sector. The strategies were proposed in response to the Korean government’s country partnership strategy for Vietnam, Vietnam's current direction in international cooperation and investment policy, differentiation of international cooperation strategies for Vietnam, and the demands of Vietnam's transport infrastructure development policy.
   The mid-to long-term strategies for international cooperation between Korea and Vietnam proposed in this study by the area of cooperation are as follows: first, in terms of establishing an effective system, strengthening the cooperation system and establishing a framework for cooperation should be considered a critical principle; second, the types of cooperation should be diversified, converged, integrated, and specialized; third, cooperative methods should be diversified, through collaboration by agencies; fourth, the contents of cooperation should be diversified, internalized, and modularized; and fifth, the agents of cooperation should pursue strengthening the sustainability of the cooperative system.

국문요약 

제1장 서론
1. 연구 배경 및 목적
2. 연구의 구성과 내용

제2장 산업클러스터에 대한 이론적 검토
1. 산업클러스터의 개념과 범위
2. 소결

제3장 인도의 산업클러스터 현황 및 정책
1. 인도의 산업클러스터 발전 현황
2. 마하라슈트라 주 산업클러스터정책
3. 소결

제4장 마하라슈트라 산업클러스터 경쟁력 분석
1. 분석방법
2. 분석대상
3. 분석결과
4. 클러스터별 경쟁력 비교분석

제5장 결론 및 시사점
1. 결론
2. 시사점 및 과제

참고문헌

Executive Summary

   Industrial clusters in India have been developed for decades and are currently taking the form of competitive and innovative clusters where related government organizations, research centers, and universities are located together. These clusters are designed to facilitate interactions between firms and institutions as well as promoting efficient distribution of information, skills, and labor across industries. As a result, a large share of multinational firms are located in existing Indian clusters or create their own clusters with local government support. Korean firms planning to start new businesses in India are also likely to consider these clusters for their potential business location. However, despite the importance of these clusters, there has been a lack of studies that quantitatively or qualitatively examine the characteristics of such clusters.
   This study compares the competitiveness of industrial clusters in Maharashtra, India, in four major dimensions: firm density, industry specialization, sustainability and innovation. While previous studies largely focused on efficient or precise definitions of clusters, we compare the characteristics of existing industrial clusters because these provide important reference points to be considered by Korean firms planning to set up a new business (or expand an existing one) in the Indian market, as well as the Korean government when promoting Korean investments in India.
   In Chapter 1, we briefly provide the background and motivation for the study and introduce methodologies used to measure the competitiveness of clusters. Also, we discuss how we address a few of the methodological challenges. The current study employs both qualitative and quantitative approaches to overcome the limitations of a quantitative approach alone when it comes to assessing overall competitiveness of clusters. Although we measure the competitiveness of clusters using information on firms’ finances and location, there are still other important factors to consider, like land price or quality of infrastructure. Therefore, we add qualitative analysis to complement our quantitative approach. In addition, we occasionally extend the boundary of industrial clusters to take account of the distributions of firms that are naturally created near the clusters.
   The second chapter introduces theoretical and political views related to clusters. Since the pioneering work of Michael E. Porter, there have been numerous studies seeking for an efficient and precise definition of clusters. We explore the different approaches to defining clusters and introduce other terminologies used interchangeably. We also examine how international organizations or local government entities in India define clusters differently. The industrial clusters in our study follow definitions used by the Maharashtra Industry Development Corporation (MIDC).
   The third chapter examines the development stages of Indian clusters as well as the cluster policies implemented in the state of Maharashtra. Since the first official development policy was initiated in 1997 by the United Nations Industrial Development Organization (UNIDO), the Ministry of Small & Medium Enterprises (MSE), state governments, and local government agencies have implemented numerous programs to enhance firms’ productivity in clusters. As a result, India appears to have thousands of industrial clusters in recent periods. The state of Maharashtra also has several cluster projects led by the state government and Maharashtra Industrial Development Corporation (MIDC). In addition, there are multiple special economic zones, IT parks, and cooperative industrial estate zones in Maharashtra to develop its economy.   
   In Chapter 4, we measure the competitiveness of the industrial clusters in Maharashtra. We use kernel density estimation and nearest neighborhood analysis to measure the density of firms. Industry specialization is measured by Location Quotients (LQ). Given that LQ coefficients do not consider the externalities between firms’ interactions, we identify the top 10% closely related industries using a similarity matrix, and then generate LQ coefficients within these industries. For sustainability, we use weighted kernel density estimation, which assigns weights based on the number of employees and the profit levels to take account of the firms of different sizes. Lastly, to measure innovation we count the number of universities, research centers, and other government organizations located in the cluster and estimate the relative importance.
   Our results indicate that the density of firms is the highest in Pimpri-Chinchiwad (east & west) in Pune region and relatively higher in several districts in Tane region. This is due to the high density of firms within individual clusters or across clusters. The level of sustainability is higher in Gansoli-Mahape and Airloi clusters in TTC region, and Pimpri-Chinchiwad, Chakan III, and Taloje clusters given that the firms with a large number of employment and profit level are present in the districts. Innovation level appears to be higher in most of the districts in Tane and Pune regions. Lastly, capital-intensive industries such as automobiles, electronics, or chemicals are more developed in TTC, Pimpri-Chinchiwad, and Chakan regions while other clusters tend to be more specialized in labor intensive industries such as food, textiles or plastics.
   Chapter 5 suggests the implications of our study for Korean firms and government and the directions for future research. India is a key partner in Korea’s New Southern Policy, and its sustainable economic growth and large domestic market have attracted the investment of many Korean firms. The variations of characteristics across industrial clusters in Maharashtra, which we quantitatively demonstrate, can be important information to be considered based on firms’ needs or purposes of investing in Indian market. Also, the Korean government could potentially build a better policy for Korean firms with the information provided by this study. Future research can benefit from extending the analysis to all Indian regions as well as creating a single indicator by incorporating other important information.

국문요약 

제1장 서론
1. 연구 배경 및 목적
2. 연구의 구성과 내용 및 범위
3. 선행연구 검토 및 차별성
4. 본 연구의 수행 방법

제2장 메콩 개발과 지역 협력체 현황 및 시사점
1. 메콩 개발의 의의
2. 메콩의 주요 지역 협력체 현황
3. 시사점

제3장 역외 국가의 협력 현황과 전략 및 시사점
1. 일본의 메콩 지역 참여전략
2. 중국의 메콩 지역 참여전략
3. 미국의 메콩 지역 참여전략
4. 비교 및 시사점

제4장 한국의 메콩 지역 협력 현황과 시사점
1. 한-메콩 다자 간 협력 현황
2. 한국의 메콩 지역 개별 국가의 협력 현황
3. 시사점

제5장 한국과 메콩 지역의 중장기 상생전략
1. 중장기 상생협력의 방향과 전략
2. 메콩 지역과의 상생협력 방안

제6장 요약 및 결론

참고문헌

부록

Executive Summary

   Considering the meaning of Korea’s full participation in Mekong development, this study provides the current status and strategies of Mekong regional partners by reviewing the Mekong development strategies from Japan, China, and the United States. In this process, the multilateral cooperation through the Mekong Regional Cooperation Organizations was sought. The interviews with policy authorities and experts through on-site surveys suggest desirable directions and specific measures for cooperation between Korea and Mekong regional cooperation organizations. This study includes ① analysis of economic growth, trade and investment status by using statistical data of the Mekong countries, ② comparison with previous research results, and ③ interviews with experts, government officials, non-profit organizations in the Mekong region.
   Previous research includes the historical context of Mekong development, the strategic support in response to the expansion of communism with UN’s support in the 1950s, and discourse on the background and limitations of the cooperation in the Mekong region mainly from Thailand’s perspective. The Greater Mekong Subregion (GMS) Program initiated by the Asian Development Bank (ADB) created discussions on the political side of Japan, China, and India in the late 1990s. The CLMV countries’ accession to ASEAN and subsequent regional development gaps were the essential issue for the further development of the Mekong region.
   The Mekong River Committee (MRC) is one of the leading regional multilateral cooperation and serves as a primary platform for Mekong regional water resource development cooperation. Korea has little collaboration with MRC, but it is necessary to develop a cooperation strategy focusing on poverty reduction by considering a regional water resource management and development to take advantage of Korea’s water resources development and irrigation experiences through science and technology-based joint research.
   The Mekong Institute (MI) has education and training programs in the Mekong area, which has a significant advantage in establishing a local network. A strategy is needed to promote education programs using specific cooperation areas and link them to business forums. It is also essential to check the effectiveness of the Korea-Mekong Cooperation Fund and to set a better direction.
   Thailand’s Mekong Economic Cooperation (ACMECS) is looking forward to Korea’s involvement in funding and will use these resources to promote the development of infrastructure and energy in the country. In particular, it seeks to develop the road, railway, telecommunication, and energy sectors of the East-West Economic Corridor and the Southern Economic Corridor. Korea can consider triangular strategic cooperation with ACMECS.
   As ASEAN’s connectivity strategy has a great impact on the development of the Mekong region, Korea should devise a strategy to participate in projects that enhance linkage with the Mekong region by actively utilizing the six implementation strategies presented in the Master Plan of ASEAN Connectivity (MPAC 2025). The government needs to establish a framework for Korean private companies and NGOs to make full use of the Korea-Mekong alliance. For example, policy research institutes such as Japan’s influential ASEAN Institute (ERIA) and China’s Influential Mekong Development Research Center (GCMS) can be referred to.
   Besides, ADB’s GMS program emphasizes the spatial strategy to operate the existing physical infrastructure so that the government and the private sector can consider participating in various areas such as city networks, industrial clusters, business partnerships, cross-border cooperation platforms, etc.
   Since 2009, Japan has promoted the Japan-Mekong Summit and expanded investments in infrastructure to strengthen its connectivity to support its companies’ entry into the Mekong area and to respond to climate change in the framework of ‘Green Mekong’. The positive image was solidified by increasing the sustainable use of resources. Japan’s Asian development strategy has established a think tank, ERIA, in 2006, which has a significant impact on ASEAN’s policy-making process, including the Mekong region.
   In 2009, the United States established the Lower Mekong Initiative (LMI) with the Mekong downstream nations through its ‘Return to Asia’ policy, and has been slow for a while, and recently strengthened the India-Pacific cooperation to highlight LMI’s activities to cope with China’s influence in the region. Emphasis is placed on a partnership with other counties such as Japan, Korea, Australia, etc.
   China is pursuing practical cooperation for the effective implementation of the “one-belt-one-road” policy through the 1st Lancang Mekong Cooperation (LMC) Summit in 2016 by responding to the US-led India-Pacific strategy. In 2016, the Global Mekong Research Center (GCMS), a policy research organization similar to the Japanese-led ERIA, was launched differently.
   ROK-Mekong cooperation means multilateral cooperation. The promotion of the 1st Korea-Mekong Summit in 2019 will be the government’s active support for such multilateral cooperation and development with ASEAN. However, until now, only the Mekong Institute (MI) has been carrying out the Korea-Mekong Cooperation Fund as a project. Therefore, it is necessary to establish a plan to utilize various Mekong regional cooperation bodies, and at the same time, to establish a mid- to long-term cooperation agenda to promote multilateral cooperation.
   Thailand has relatively little trade and investment with Korea in comparison to its geographical advantage and scale. Most of the trade is in industrial and some consumer goods such as steel, memory, petrochemical, machinery, electronic device parts, and cosmetics. As human exchanges continue to increase, on the other hand, cooperation activities have been active in the area of ​​human capacity.
   The annual trade with Vietnam is about $ 68 billion in 2018, making it the first trade partner among ASEAN countries. TV (OLEDs), LED displays, and memory semi-conductors used in mobile phones and digital cameras account for a large portion. Korea’s investment and human exchanges have increased rapidly.
   In Cambodia, Laos, and Myanmar, trade has generally been focused on clothing, sewing, construction equipment, and agri-food. Development cooperation projects focusing on primary industries and regional development, such as Myanmar’s natural resource development and mining investment, Laos rural community development project, and Cambodia’s construction industry, are in progress. The ROK introduced a new employment permit system in Laos in 2018.
   Vietnam can be a major partner in the global value chain focusing on mobile phones and electronic products. In Thailand, there is a high possibility of cooperation in convergence and innovative sectors such as policy 4.0, ICT, and creative economy. In Cambodia, Laos, and Myanmar, there is a continual increase in human exchanges, so that is necessary to focus on improving the quality of human capacity by linking with higher education.
   Overall, it is vital to contribute to the development of Mekong by sharing Korea’s experiences in agricultural and rural development. Identifying potential projects that will help build a peaceful economy on the Korean peninsula, reflecting the experiences of the economic and social development of transitional countries are important in the near future. When establishing the Regional Partnership Strategy (RPS), It is necessary to think strategically, such as avoid the overlapping projects with each country and use the Mekong Regional Cooperation, but also cooperate with other donors or triangular cooperation with the Mekong country.
   This study concludes by suggesting the direction and promotion strategies of the long-term win-win cooperation of Korea-Mekong cooperation and three win-win measures. The direction of cooperation should contribute to narrowing the development gap of ASEAN and to verifying the effectiveness of Korea’s new southern policy. In other words, after understanding the development demand of the Mekong region and the capacity for win-win cooperation in Korea, the Korea-Mekong Summit will continue to create conditions to harmonize the development demand of the region with our supply capacity. When looking at the strategies for cooperation in the short, medium, and long term, it is important to start a full-fledged collaboration by establishing a branding strategy for the Korea-Mekong Summit Cooperation and establishing various ways that can be linked with the Mekong Regional Partners. Based on this, it is desirable to seek strategic linkages in major countries such as the United States, Japan, and China, and at the same time, Korea’s Mekong cooperation should meet ASEAN’s need to bridge the development gap, leading to common prosperity. In the medium to long term, it should lead to raising Korea’s influential in Asia and strengthening the capacity of multilateral development cooperation with the private sectors.
   As a concrete plan for win-win cooperation with the Mekong region, it is proposed to have three win-win cooperation platforms. First, we suggest the “Grow Mekong” platform, which is a platform for policy research and pilot projects based on science and technology. It has a framework for continuously developing joint research and policies such as economics, society, culture, and science and technology in the Mekong area and verifying its effectiveness as a pilot project. In the short term, Korean and Mekong regional experts will jointly conduct long-term research in each sector, contributing to the agenda of the Korea-Mekong Summit. In the medium and long term, scientific and objective research and the rigorous verification of its effectiveness contribute to the establishment of policies necessary for Mekong development. You can refer to Australia’s Center for International Agricultural Research (ACIAR). In terms of verifying the effectiveness of the project, Banerjee, Duflo, and Kremer, who won the 2019 Nobel Prize in Economics, can be considered.
   Second, we propose the term “Finance and Invest the Mekong”, a platform for financial and investment cooperation, which is a government-level support platform that can facilitate the activities of SMEs seeking to enter the Mekong region. This platform should allow for a preliminary survey of the infrastructure in the Mekong and the potential for investment. It should facilitate investment in appropriate technology developed locally linked with various start-up support funds in Korea. The primary product produced in the Mekong region may be considered as a way to be connected to exports by commercializing Korean companies with technical support (e.g., packaging, processing, branding, etc.). In the financial investment sector, understanding of the system and mutual cooperation are important such as Japan’s Global Financial Cooperation Center, which supports capacity building for financial officials in Mekong region.
   Third, we also propose a platform for economic cooperation, the “Mekong-Korea Peace Economy”. In the short term, it is important to find ways to contribute to the development of Mekong and to use this result to link the cooperation platform where Mekong, South Korea, and North Korea might jointly participate. For example, by incorporating North Korea into global value chains of major industries such as agri-food, clothing and sewing industries, and electronics industries, it can serve as an opportunity to lay the foundation for a peaceful economy in Asia.
   Based on this basic cooperation platform, we propose the following directions for overall cooperation with the Mekong Regional Partners. We look forward to enhancing Korea’s status in Asia by contributing to reducing the regional development gap and achieving the UN’s SDGs by establishing and implementing roadmaps and specific implementation strategies with Mekong regional partners.
   First of all, the MRC’s water resource cooperation platform and Korea’s ICT and big data should be considered. If scientific research and data on local topography and water resources are accumulated in both society, the private sectors’ activities will be increased. The Mekong Institute (MI) should be used to strengthen the human network by expanding exchanges with Korea experts through training programs and business forums in areas that enhance food safety and processing technology for various agricultural products. A strategy should be devised to maximize the leverage of triangular cooperation through ACMECS, Thailand’s Mekong Economic Cooperation. For example, the government will be able to engage in people-centered human exchange and cultural funds in the ACMECS project, while at the same time linking our private companies to work in the Mekong region. It is also necessary to establish a strategy to actively participate in ASEAN’s connectivity and a roadmap that can be linked to the spatial strategy in    ADB’s GMS program. For example, building a city network, activating industrial clusters, fostering cross-border cooperation, and solidifying strategic business partnerships could contribute to the promotion of established economic corridors.

국문요약

제1장 서론 

1. 연구의 목적과 배경 
2. 연구의 내용 
3. 선행 연구와의 차별성

제2장 한ㆍ중ㆍ일의 스마트시티 정책 분석 

1. 글로벌 스마트시티 시장의 발전과 향후 전망  
    가. 글로벌 스마트시티의 발전 과정 
    나. 주요국의 스마트시티 발전 정책 및 전략
    다. 향후 전망 
2. 한ㆍ중ㆍ일의 스마트시티 정책 추진 현황과 평가 
    가. 한국 
    나. 중국 
    다. 일본 

제3장 한ㆍ중ㆍ일의 해외 스마트시티 시장 진출전략 분석 

1. 한국의 해외 스마트시티 시장 진출 정책과 주요 사례 
    가. 스마트시티 해외시장 진출을 위한 독자적인 정책 추진
    나. 주요 진출 사례 
    다. 평가 및 향후 전망 
2. 중국의 해외 스마트시티 시장 진출 정책과 주요 사례
    가. BRI 연계 추진 
    나. 주요 진출 사례 
    다. 평가 및 향후 전망 
3. 일본의 해외 스마트시티 시장 진출 정책과 주요 사례
    가. 인프라시스템 수출 연계 추진 
    나. 주요 진출 사례 
    다. 평가 및 향후 전망
 
제4장 결론 

1. 요약 및 비교 평가 
2. 정책 시사점
 
참고문헌 

Executive Summary 
 

   This study aims to propose policy implications by comparing and analyzing the smart city policies, overseas strategies and major cases of China and Japan, Korea’s competitors in the overseas smart city market.
   Upon careful comparison of the policies and cases for overseas smart city market in Korea, China, and Japan (CJK), the following conclusions were found.
   First, when it comes to promoting the overseas smart city market, Korea directly supports companies by providing activation policies in overseas smart markets, while China supports the overseas advancement of smart city projects through the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) and Japan promotes its policy of exporting infrastructure systems. Second, in terms of government policy support, all three countries are actively promoting inter-governmental cooperative projects and strengthening financial support for investment and ODA linkages for firms advancing into the sector, etc. In particular, Japan provides an important lesson by linking ODA use to the discovery of smart city projects, not just financial support. Third, with regard to the major cases of overseas expansion, the governments are actively promoting G2G cooperation projects, and one notable strategy is that China and Japan are jointly entering the smart city market of third countries. As we can expect for Korea, China and Japan to continue their active advancement into the smart city market, focused on developing economies such as ASEAN, competition among the three countries will continue to elevate within the region. Therefore, it could prove an important countermeasure for CJK to jointly enter into third countries by taking advantage of their respective competitive advantages.
   Our corporate case studies indicate that all three countries are making inroads into developing countries, including Asia, and smart solutions are the major areas. In addition, while China and Japan are making inroads into overseas smart city markets, mainly led by large companies, Korea is relatively active in the advancement of small and medium-sized enterprises (SMEs) in addition to its large corporations. In this regard, it is necessary to further expand overseas entry of Korean SMEs with technological capabilities through the discovery of various business models for mutual entry of large and medium enterprises. The case of Chinese Alibaba’s entry into Malaysia is based on its high technological competitiveness secured by participating in various domestic smart city projects. This suggests the importance of creating innovative ecosystems such as developing smart cities in Korea and identifying sustainable profit business models. Lastly, Japanese companies Matsushita and Hitachi recently established a joint venture with Chinese companies to enter into the Xiongan New Area  smart city, a project designated by the Chinese government as a key project. Korean companies should also pay attention to the Xiongan New Area project, as it has the potential to affect all future Chinese city projects.
   The policy implications of this study are to suggest the following policy tasks for the promotion of overseas smart city advancement and the development of smart city projects within Korea. First, in order to activate Korean companies’ overseas expansion into smart cities, it will be necessary to build a Korean-type smart city model that generates visible results. Second, it will be imperative to collect detailed and comprehensive information on overseas smart cities. Third, it is necessary to consider joint entry into the smart city market of third countries through cooperation with China and Japan. Fourth, the government and enterprises should make efforts to create and expand business models for domestic smart cities in order to promote overseas expansion. Fifth, smart city-related legislation should be revised to supplement policies related to changes in the stage of development of smart cities in Korea. Sixth, it is necessary to prepare the institutional grounds to utilize and distribute data in the field and to train data analysis experts.

국문요약 

제1장 서론 및 문제 제기
1. 문제 제기
2. 연구의 필요성과 시의성
3. 정책대안 제시 및 정책 기여 가능성

제2장 한국에서 부의 불평등 추이와 거시경제적 영향
1. 한국의 소득 불평등: 현황과 추이(주요 지표)
2. 한국의 자산 불평등: 현황과 추이
3. 부의 불평등이 거시경제적 변수에 미치는 영향
4. 소결 및 정책적 시사점

제3장 자산가격 변화가 소득 불평등에 미치는 영향 실증분석
1. 자산가격과 소득 불평등
2. 실증분석 모형 및 자료
3. 실증분석 결과
4. 소결

제4장 소득 불평등이 대외경제 변수에 미치는 영향 실증분석
1. 소득 불평등과 경상수지의 관계
2. 자료 및 모형 설정
3. 실증분석 결과
4. 소결

제5장 요약과 정책적 시사점
1. 주요내용 요약
2. 정책적 시사점
3. 결론

참고문헌

부록

Executive Summary

   The world economy has experienced rapid polarization and concentration of wealth that has progressed rapidly over the past 30 years. Wealth inequality has caused a variety of socio-economic changes, and economic inequality remains unresolved. Wealth inequality impacts not only economic growth, but also various socio-economic phenomena. It can also affect external economic variables in addition to domestic macroeconomic variables. Therefore, in regard to economic inequality, it becomes an important task to grasp the current status of Korea and analyze its determinants and effects.
   Korea’s Gini coefficient showed a downward trend after 2011 but has remained stagnant since 2016. Even when compared internationally, Korea’s Gini coefficient appears relatively high, with Korea ranking 31st among the 35 OECD member countries in 2017. Assets are known to be more concentrated on the upper level than income. In Korea, the top 1% occupies 11.3% of net assets and the top 5% occupies 28.8% of net assets. The top 10% owns 42.1% of net assets.
   Traditional economic growth theory has shown that inequality can stimulate growth by motivating innovation and investment. In recent years, however, New Keynesian economists have raised the view that inequality can negatively affect education or human capital investment, which can undermine economic growth. The relationship between Korea’s Gini coefficient and the rate of economic growth also seems to be close to the latter, meaning inequality is likely to hinder economic growth. In the relationship between inequality and consumption, it is known that the expansion of inequality according to Keynes’ theory of consumption shrinks consumption. To confirm this, marginal consumption propensity was estimated by income quintile, and it was confirmed that marginal consumption propensity decreases as income increases. These results suggest that as wealth inequality intensifies, this will have a negative effect on the increase in gross domestic product and a decrease in gross domestic consumption will have a negative effect on economic growth again.
   Next, an empirical analysis was conducted on how the effect of changes in asset prices on income inequality varies depending on the degree of progressiveness of fiscal policy. As a result of the estimation, in countries with relatively weak progress in fiscal policy, rising housing prices and rising unemployment contributed to worsening income inequality, but in countries with strong progression, most factors did not affect income inequality. Korea maintains a fiscal policy that is less progressive than the average level of OECD countries. Therefore, Korea’s deteriorating income inequality could be attributed to the rapid rise in real estate prices.
   Finally, the effect of income inequality on current account was analyzed. Increasing income inequality has been a factor in reducing the current account balance. However, it was found that the current account improves when the threshold is exceeded. In other words, as income inequality intensifies, the current account has a U-shape. In addition to the Gini coefficient, the increases in child support, net foreign assets, real effective exchange rate, and domestic credit, as well as recession, were all shown to reduce the current account.
   The results of this study suggest that intensifying wealth inequality in Korea can hinder economic growth, meaning it is necessary to create a favorable economic environment for growth through active redistribution policies. In addition, the inequality of wealth in Korea is shrinking domestic consumption and contributing to instability in the consumption of low-income groups, making it necessary to seek policy measures to stabilize consumption in the quintile income group.
   In addition, in order to improve income inequality in Korea, it will be necessary to strengthen tax progressiveness on sources of financial income such as real estate. In addition to the government’s income redistribution policy, such as strengthening social expenditures for low-income people, it can be said that the price stability of the real estate market is important.
   Lastly, if the aging of the population and other changes in the demographic structure continue to increase income inequality, Korea could record a current account deficit sooner than forecasted in previous studies based only on the demographic structure.
 

국문요약 

제1장 서론
1. 연구의 배경
2. 연구의 목적
3. 선행연구
4. 보고서 개요

제2장 한국, 미국, 영국의 근로장려세제 
1. 근로장려세제 개요 
2. 한국 
3. 미국 
4. 영국 

제3장 분석방법 및 모수 설정 
1. TaxBEN 개괄 
2. 개념정의 
3. 모수 설정: 공통 사항
4. 모수 설정: 한국 
5. 모수 설정: 미국 
6. 모수 설정: 영국 

제4장 분석 결과 
1. 소득지원효과 
2. 근로유인효과 

제5장 결론 및 시사점 

참고문헌 

Executive Summary 

   This study analyzes the in-work benefit systems of Korea in comparison with the U.S. and the U.K., where similar systems have the longest history. Considering the purpose of the vast expansion of the systems in the Moon Jae-In administration, this study focuses on its impact on income support and incentives to work for low-income households.
   Countries with in-work benefit systems also implement various other benefits in cash for low-income households. To analyze the impact of in-work benefits in relation with other benefits in cash, this study uses simulation based on the OECD Tax-Benefit Model (Taxben hereinafter). Because benefits and taxes vary, even for the same gross income, according to household characteristics, this study considers 4 household types that are representative of the recipients of the in-work benefits in Korea: single household; couple with 1 labor force without children; lone-parent with 1 child; couple with 1 labor force with 1 child. For the same reason, ages are fixed at 40 for adult and 6 for child; and rent is fixed at 20% of the average income of the country. Also, for simplicity, the household is assumed to receive social assistance instead of contribution- based unemployment benefits when income is sufficiently close to 0. The Working Tax Credit (WTC hereinafter), the U.K.’s in-work benefit, has minimum working hours requirements; and the hourly wage needs to be sufficiently low for a household to satisfy both the working hours requirement and means test. For this reason, this study considers those cases corresponding to the minimum hourly wage, which is about 41% of the average income, for the U.K. Income support is measured by the share of net income, and incentive to work is measured by the impacts on (i) the amount of increase of net income when an inactive household starts earning wages and (ii) the Marginal Effective Tax Rate (METR hereinafter) when a working household’s wage increases.
   One noticeable feature of the U.S. system is inflation-indexing, which assures that benefit amounts in real terms do not decrease over time. Also, some U.S. local governments add their own in-work benefits proportional to the federal benefits, which can be of interest of Korean local governments. However, working hours requirements, the most peculiar characteristic of the U.K. system, risks causing distortions in redistribution and work incentives in certain income ranges.
   In Korea, when income is little, social assistance and housing benefits account for most of net income, and the share of in-work benefits is very low. As income level rises, the social assistance’s share rapidly decreases while the share of in-work benefits increases. For the same level of gross income, the magnitude of income support by in-work benefits for the 4 household types can be ordered as following: couple with 1 labor force with 1 child>lone-parent with 1 child> couple with 1 labor force without child>single household. The 2018 tax reform boosts the income-supporting effect of in-work benefits, especially for households with children. As a function of gross income, housing benefits take the form of a step function, which is constant below the income threshold and jumps down to 0 afterwards. This feature distorts redistribution of income around the threshold. This distortion is mitigated by the 2018 tax reform.
   In the U.S., the Supplemental Nutrition Assistance Program (SNAP hereinafter), which is a form of social assistance, takes most of net income of households without children. For comparable households without children, the share of in-work benefits is lower than in Korea. For households with children, SNAP and the Temporary Assistance for Needy Families (TANF hereinafter) account for most of net income when gross income is little. As gross income rises, their share decreases, and the share of in-work benefits increases. Not only the Child Tax Care (CTC hereinafter) but also the Earned Income Tax Credit (EITC hereinafter) take a larger share of net income when the household has a child.
   For the low-income households in the U.K., net income mostly consists of housing benefits, the income-based Jobseeker’s Allowance (JSA hereinafter; a form of social assistance) and the CTC when working hours are below the threshold of the WTC. When receiving the WTC, its share is the largest for lone-parents with 1 child. The share of the CTC is larger and more stable than in Korea and the U.S. Also, the distortion in income redistribution around the threshold of housing benefits is weaker than in Korea.
   For inactive households in Korea, in-work benefits clearly increase their material incentives to work. For the working low-income households, however, in-work benefits reduce material incentives to work in the plateau and phase-out range. This negative effect is aggravated by the fact that the gross-income threshold for housing benefits is located in the plateau or phase-out range. That is, the distortion in low-income households’ labor supply decision created by the discontinuity of housing benefits could be aggravated in the plateau and phase-out ranges of in-work benefits. This problem is mitigated, albeit weakly, by the 2018 tax reform. After the reform, the METR for households with children is negative when income is low enough. This is because the recipient households of social assistance are eligible for the CTC at the same time only after the reform. Roughly speaking, the reform reduces the METR for very low income levels; but, because the reform reduces the starting income level of plateau, it increases the METR for the income range between the two starting income levels of plateau before and after the reform.
   For the recipients of SNAP in the U.S., an increase in gross income does not lead to an equivalent reduction of SNAP, unlike the social assistance in Korea, and thus the SNAP recipients have an incentive to work even in the absence of in-work benefits. This is contrary to Korea, where the recipients of social assistance have no incentive to work without in-work benefits. The impact of in-work benefits on the METR is bigger for the households with children, not only because they are eligible for the CTC, but also because the EITC is more generous to them.
   Due to the working-hour requirements and 30-hour element, the U.K.’s WTC offers, to inactive households, no incentive to work little but a large incentive to work full-time. For the working households, the METR drops rapidly around the gross income levels corresponding to the working-hour requirement and 30 hours per week. This clearly shows that the impact of the U.K.’s WTC on the incentives to work is concentrated in certain income ranges.
 

국문요약 

제1장 서론
1. 연구 필요성
2. 연구 내용과 차별성

제2장 신남방지역의 디지털경제 발전 수준
1. 디지털경제 여건
2. 디지털 발전 지수
3. 요약 및 평가

제3장 신남방 주요국의 디지털경제 정책
1. 인도네시아
2. 베트남
3. 태국
4. 인도

5. 요약과 평가

제4장 신남방 주요국의 협력수요 사례 분석
1. 인도네시아
2. 베트남
3. 태국
4. 인도
5. 요약

제5장 결론 및 정책 시사점
1. 신남방지역 디지털경제 협력의 의의와 특성
2. 신남방지역 디지털경제 협력의 잠재력
3. 신남방지역 디지털경제 협력 방향 및 지원방안
4. 향후 연구과제

참고문헌

부록

Executive Summary

   The digital economy is emerging as a trend of the world economy. The digital economy is narrowly defined as online platforms and activities through them. In other words, the whole values, for instance, created by e-commerce and sharing economy platforms indicate the digital economy. However, in a broader sense, the digital economy goes beyond the realm of certain industries and enterprises. Digital technology is a general-purpose technology, like the internal combustion engine, that brings into force industry, economy, and society-wide innovation.
   The reason why industries and policy makers pay attention to the digital economy is more related the broad concept of the digital economy. That is, as new products and services backed by the Internet, data, and artificial intelligence technology are spreading, the expectation for the whole economy and industry-level innovation becomes higher. For Southeast Asian and South Asian countries, mainly composed of developing countries, the broader concept of the digital economy seems to be even more important because they seek for the leapfrogging of the economy and society as a whole.
   The digital economy proves its potential as a source of economic and social ‘leapfrogging’. For instance, car hailing services such as Grab and Gojek are wide spread in Southeast Asia; OYO, the hotel booking services, is a big success in India. These cases are important in terms of realization of innovative businesses as well as response to the social demand response and improvement of quality of life quality. They also play a crucial role in creating jobs.
   Southeast and South Asian countries have a great potential in the digital economy: They generally maintain high economic growth rates, have large markets, young population, and decent ICT utilization levels, etc. The conditions for trade investment are also being improved. Though there are deviations between countries, they have strong incentives to promote digital innovation in order to achieve the qualitative advancement of industries and economy as a whole. Moreover, some countries already have a great competitiveness in digital innovation.
   The digital economy-related demands are expected to grow in Southeast and South Asian countries. For example, they experience rapid urbanization and demand for improving electricity supply, logistics, finances, etc. with the combination of digitalization. Some countries faces lack of digital skills and technologies, and look for cooperation with external partners.
   Under these conditions, Korea is potentially an intimate partner that can contribute to substantial leapfrogging of Southeast and South Asian countries. Korea, in term of both businesses and government policy (the New Southern Policy), is now trying to diversify the areas of cooperation with those countries beyond manufacturing sectors. Geographic and cultural proximity, as well as already constructed bilateral economic relationship, is the foundation for cooperation in the digital economy. Because the digital economy is relevant with society and culture as well as the economic and industrial areas, cooperation in the field of the digital economy can supplement the typical pattern of Korea and South East and South Asia relationship, mainly centered in manufacturing production network.
   Korea and Southeast and South Asian countries need to establish a comprehensive cooperation platform. Through this, they inform partners their digital economy-related agenda/interests and discuss ways for cooperation. Especially, it will provide chances for participants to identify mutual cooperation needs efficiently and specifically. Because cooperation needs in the digital economy are often discovered is unexpected niche areas, a regular dialogue channel is crucial to find specific demands and cooperation potentials. The dialogue platform should include private enterprises as well as policy makers.
   Innovative small businesses and start-ups should be the focus of cooperation. Korean start-ups’ interests in Southeast Asia are now growing. Korean start-ups and venture companies enter Southeast Asian markets in diverse areas such as manufacturing, audiovisual, broadcasting and communication services, professional, scientific and technical services, healthcare, and cultural services. Southeast and South Asian countries are active in introducing foreign start-ups and professionals that possess innovative digital technologies and business models. Singapore, Indonesia and India have the world level start-up ecosystem and are active in investing in foreign start-ups. Meanwhile, as start-up ecosystems of Southeast and South Asia is relatively less known in Korea compared to the United States, Europe and China, needs for the information and connection with local support organizations is high.
   Korea has to actively participate in multilateral cooperation initiatives covering Southeast and South Asia. The digital economy is an essential element for the sustainable growth of this region, and a major task of external cooperation. For example, in 2017 APEC (Asia-Pacific Economic Cooperation) adopted ‘APEC Internet and Digital Economy Roadmap’ in the Annual Ministerial Meeting(AMM) for the purpose of sharing basic principles among member countries to respond to changes brought by the Internet and the digital economy. The roadmap proposed 11 cooperation areas. Korea is expected to play a large role in many areas such as ‘Development of digital infrastructure’ and ‘Promoting innovation and adoption of enabling technologies and services’.
   International cooperation in the digital economy seems quite different from that in traditional manufacturing sectors. We cannot apply the traditional compartments of industries to the digital economy. Based upon thorough understanding on the partner country’s social context and characteristics, cooperation focusing on local society’s demands is of great importance.

국문요약 

제1장 서론
1. 연구의 배경
2. 연구의 목적 및 구성

제2장 한국 FTA의 네트워크 구축 성과
1. 전 세계 FTA 현황
2. 사회연결망 분석

제3장 한국 FTA의 상품시장 개방 성과
1. 국가 수준 분석
2. 산업 수준 분석
3. 기업 수준 분석

제4장 한국 FTA의 해외직접투자 성과
1. FTA 상대국에 대한 해외직접투자 유출입 현황
2. 우리나라 FTA가 해외직접투자 유출입에 미친 영향

제5장 한국 FTA의 제도적 성과
1. 국내법 개정 개관
2. 유형별 대표사례 분석

제6장 결론
1. 요약
2. 정책 제언

참고문헌

부록

Executive Summary
 

   Since signing an FTA with Chile in 2004, South Korea has established 16 FTAs with 57 economies including the EFTA, ASEAN, EU, US, etc. in the last 15 years. This study examined whether Korea’s FTAs have achieved their original objectives in the following four aspects: FTA network, product market openness, foreign direct investment, and institutional improvement.
   Our FTA network analysis shows that Germany and the US have the highest level of degree centrality, followed by Korea, China, and Canada with the similar level of degree centrality. In the area of betweenness centrality, Korea showed a high level of centrality during 2010-2016, but weakened slightly since then. In eigenvector centrality, both the United States and Canada show high levels of centrality, and Korea is increasing modestly.
   Korea’s exports and imports with FTA countries are steadily increasing with a higher rate of growth than those with non-FTA countries. The empirical analysis at the national level shows that the FTAs have had a positive effect on the increase in both exports and imports. We also observed positive effects on the number of export products and import products. In addition, we find that deeper FTAs have a positive effect on the number of export products and import products as well as the volume of exports and imports.
   In the industry level analysis, we find the FTAs have a positive effect on Korea’s exports in the agriculture, forestry, fisheries and food industry. FTAs also have a positive effect on Korea’s imports when they include competition provisions and standard provisions. In the textiles, clothing and leather industry, we find that FTAs have a positive effect on both exports and imports. In the coke and petroleum refining industry, FTAs have a positive effect on exports, but not on the number of export products. In the chemicals and chemical products industry, FTAs have a significant effect on both exports and imports. In the electronics industry, FTAs do not appear to have a significant effect on either exports or imports. In the machinery industry, FTAs have a positive effect on exports and imports. In the auto industry, FTAs have a positive effect on imports. In the firm level analysis, we find that export tariff reductions increase firms’ profits, while import tariff reductions are associated with declining firms’ profit.
   We also find that FTAs have a positive effect on FDI. In addition, FTAs increased OFDI (outbound foreign direct investment) to both developed and developing countries, but increased IFDI (inbound foreign direct investment) only from developed countries. In the institutional aspects, the Korean economy has achieved the harmonization of regulations, the simplification of institutions, improved management transparency of SOEs, improved access to high value-added service markets, and strengthened protection of intellectual property rights through FTAs.