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  • 인도 서비스 산업 구조 분석과  한-인도 산업 협력 확대 방안
    Changes in India’s Services Industry and their Policy Implications for Korea-India Cooperation

    The service industry has the largest share in India’s domestic production. While the Modi government has pursued various policies to grow the manufacturing sector, the role of services industry in the Indian economy still con..

    Hyoungmin Han et al. Date 2023.12.29

    economic cooperation, industrial structure
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    The service industry has the largest share in India’s domestic production. While the Modi government has pursued various policies to grow the manufacturing sector, the role of services industry in the Indian economy still continues. IT sector has been one of the important sources for India’s service sector, but now software, internet services, and e-commerce have emerged as important sectors in India. This means that the services industry in India is undergoing structural changes in recent years. Responding to these structural shifts, many countries start to collaborate with Indian service sector. Yet, the cooperation between South Korea and India is mainly limited to the manufacturing sector. This research on India’s services industry aims to delve deeply into India’s ongoing industrial structural changes and related policies, analyze the changing demands within India’s service sector, and suggest a new direction for South Korea-India collaboration focused on manufacturing.


    Based on quantitative and qualitative data analysis of India’s services industry, it is evident that a diverse range of service industries are emerging in India beyond the IT and software sectors. The productivity of Indian service firms and the share of skilled labor are increasing, and there’s a notable structural shift with a significant expansion in the opening up of the service sector to foreign direct investment. India’s service sector generates the most added value within the country, and its job creation is growing significantly compared to other industries. Additionally, there’s been an increase in exports, foreign direct investment, and integration with global supply chains. Traditionally, India’s services industry was dominated by retail and public services. More recently, however, corporate facility management and business support services, including R&D, equipment leasing, data management, and marketing, have emerged as key players. Financial and insurance services and educational services, are also on the rise. Indian domestic companies in retail, telecommunication services, transportation, cultural services, and financial services are experiencing an increase in their average total factor productivity, suggesting that various service domains within India are spearheading the growth of the country’s services industry. Additionally, the proportion of highly skilled workers in India’s service sector is steadily increasing.


    At the heart of the growth in India’s services industry is the government’s policy of fostering technology-centric human resources and economic reform policies for the expansion of private sector participation and deregulation. Since its independence in 1947, the Indian government has consistently provided various support measures to cultivate technical workforce. Simultaneously, in 1991, the Indian government embarked on economic reforms centered on a market economy and subsequently opened up service trade and investment. Over time, the government has gradually expanded the scope of permissible FDI, and currently, it allows 100% FDI in most industries, barring a few such as insurance, distribution, and aviation industry. As a result of these measures, demand from abroad surged in the early 1990s to leverage India’s abundant and skilled IT workforce. This was followed by steady economic growth in India, and as individual incomes rose, diverse service industries such as law, accounting, and real estate flourished. Ongoing government support policies in the fields of telecommunications, IT, software, finance, and education continue to propel the growth of various service sectors in India. More recently, rapid growth of the manufacturing sector in India has led to an expansion in the demand for services, influencing the growth of India’s services industry.


    However, amidst the structural changes in India’s services industry, South Korea’s integration into the Indian service market appears to be less than that of other major countries. The key external cooperation partners for India’s services industry are centered around the U.S., with other active players including European countries such as the U.K. and Germany, as well as China and Japan. The U.S. collaborates with India on visa facilitation to secure India’s outstanding technical workforce within its borders and is also operating programs for training Indian experts within the U.S. Japan is also cooperating to expand the use of Indian human resources and for Japanese companies to enter the Indian market. Japan, through its digital partnership with India, is promoting cooperation for digital transformation in both nations and supports employment of Indian IT professionals in Japan. In addition, they are strengthening financial technology exchanges and infrastructure cooperation through the Japan-India financial dialogues. Japan is also supporting the joint entry of service companies into India through the creation of industrial complexes. In particular, in Japan’s Neemrana Industrial Zone, various service sectors, including logistics, healthcare, telecommunications, postal services, finance, insurance, and retail, are actively operating alongside manufacturing companies.


    In the past, cooperation between South Korea and India has focused primarily on manufacturing. Korean global companies in sectors such as electronics and automobiles are intensifying their expansion into the Indian market. However, in order to strengthen the relationship between South Korea and India, cooperation in various industries, including services, is essential. In particular, India’s service market is considered to have huge potential in terms of size and growth. With the opening up of various service sectors and improving conditions for cooperation, the need for Korea-India service cooperation is high. However, while South Korean investment and exports to India are expanding, the level of services industry cooperation lags behind that of other major cooperation partners. Specifically, in contrast to global investment, which tends to focus on service companies, South Korea’s investment in India’s services industry is characterized by a focus on manufacturing firms. These service investments in India tend to be sporadic and spread across different sectors each year. 


    The main reason for the lack of cooperation in services between South Korea and India is the lack of information about the Indian market and the perceived risks involved in both the public and private sectors in South Korea. Useful details about India’s current market conditions, potential, challenges, and entry experiences are not effectively communicated to the Korean public sector or domestic private companies seeking to enter India, leading to heightened risk perceptions and stalled progress in cooperation. This problem has led to the current situation where there is little economic, diplomatic, and cultural familiarity between South Korea and India in both the public and private sectors. On the other hand, Korean companies that ventured into India were drawn by the potential and marketability of the Indian services industry. However, they commonly point to challenges such as differing regulations among Indian states, complicated establishment procedures, lack of highly competitive human resources, and recruitment difficulties due to low awareness of Korean companies in India.


    To expand cooperation in the Korea-India services industry, this study emphasizes: ① strengthening the economic and diplomatic ties between South Korea and India at the government level, ② intensifying support for domestic private companies in India, ③ supporting policies that enhance linkages with local domestic manufacturing industries, and ④ the need to expand the exchange of human resources between South Korea and India, as well as encouraging domestic companies to utilize more Indian service personnel. To realize these objectives, this study proposes specific policy tasks such as △ establishing regular dialogue between South Korea and India at the government level, △ creating a Korea-India business support center, △ supporting entry by establishing Korean industrial complex in India, △ developing cooperative projects with public and private participation based on local Indian demand, and △ linking the ODA vocational training programs in India to the domestic labor market. 

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  • 유럽 주요국의 경제안보 분야 대중국 전략과 시사점
    European Approaches to China in the Area of Economic Security

    This report analyzes the recent strategies of the EU and major European countries regarding economic relations with China, through literature review, statistical analysis, field research, and expert interviews.Chapter 2 of this ..

    Youngook Jang et al. Date 2023.12.29

    economic security, trade policy
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    This report analyzes the recent strategies of the EU and major European countries regarding economic relations with China, through literature review, statistical analysis, field research, and expert interviews.

    Chapter 2 of this report examines the background to the recent changes in the public attitudes towards China and ‘China Strategy’ of Europe. China’s rising economic and diplomatic profile has led to an intensification of the U.S.-China trade dispute since the mid-2010s. The COVID-19 pandemic has turned the U.S.-China conflict into a competition over values such as democracy, freedom, and human rights. The West has intensified its criticism of the Chinese Communist Party regime, including human rights issues and media control. After the outbreak of the Russian-Ukrainian war, China’s pro-Russian behavior further aggravated European perceptions of China, and countries responded by establishing official ‘China Strategy’. Chapter 2 further examines the trends and determinants of public attitudes towards China in major European countries. The trend of rising anti-China sentiment over the past decade was evident in the data from Eurobarometer, Pew Research Center, and YouGov. Regression analyses showed that the trade deficit is the most significant factor in worsening public perceptions of China, while trade with China itself is effective in improving public perceptions. Institutional factors, such as the rule of law, were not significant in the full sample, but were found to be significant in explaining changes in public attitudes after 2017, when the regime competition with China began to intensify.

    Chapter 3 then examines the EU’s countermeasures in the area of economic security. Since Von der Leyen took over as Commission President in late 2019, the EU has strategically put in place new regulations and policies in response to the COVID-19 pandemic and the supply chain and energy crises exacerbated by the Russia-Ukraine war. The nature of the EU’s various regulations and actions differs from that of the United States. The U.S. focuses on sanctioning Chinese companies through a combination of presidential executive orders, strong executive branch enforcement, and bipartisan congressional legislation. The EU, on the other hand, focuses on protecting European values and enhancing the competitiveness of its industries and companies, based on the concept of open strategic autonomy. This aligns with the goal of the EU's green and digital transformation plans. The EU places a high value on establishing norms and institutions to create a level playing field based on fair rules in the EU’s Single Market. The EU’s current major economic security initiatives can be understood as a “de-risking” strategy: the EU focuses on enhancing the competitiveness of local industries by applying new standards in areas of high dependency and supply chain risk.

    Chapter 4 analyzes the China Strategy of four countries: Germany, which has the closest economic ties to China; France, which is most closely aligned with the EU; the United Kingdom, which is not a member of the EU but is a major European power; and Poland, which represents the emerging economies of Central and Eastern Europe. While Germany has published a national-level China strategy with specific policy responses, France and Poland have not. France has an Indo-Pacific strategy, but no official mention of China, and no clear national public strategy. Poland has no official anti-China stance and balances its relations with both the United States and China. The United Kingdom, a non-EU member, has expressed its position on China in “Integrated Review Refresh 2023: Responding to a More Contested and Volatile World”, defining China as a systemic competitor to the UK, but still emphasing the openness and collaboration. These four major European countries have varying degrees of economic ties to China, as well as their own positions on China, but they also share a similar view of China’s potential influence in economic and security affairs

    Finally, Chapter 5 analyzes the impact of the recent changes in Europe’s China strategy on Korea and suggests policy implications. EU’s legistlations may impose the additional costs on Korean companies, for example, to comply with the higher level of mandatory human rights and environmental due diligence required by the Corporate Sustainability Due Diligence Directive and the mandatory reporting of financial contributions under the Foreign Subsidies Regulation. On the other hand, Korean companies can also become cooperative partners with EU companies if they strive to compete transparently and fairly in their business operations in response to EU countermeasures or regulatory enforcement. It is suggested that Korean companies identify the threats and opportunities posed by EU policies and prepare detailed countermeasures. Finally, the China strategies of the EU and major European countries in the field of economic security can be used as an important reference to draw lessons for Korea. In terms of mitigating risks in key high-tech industries and establishing a norm-based trade order, Korea should keep pace with major European countries, while ensuring that this does not interfere with long-standing diplomatic and political relations with Chin
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  • 중남미 국가의 서비스 시장 개방이 GVC 참여에 미치는 영향과 시사점
    Assessing the Impact of Service Market Opening in Latin American Nations on Global Value Chain Involvement: Implications and Insights

    Since the 2000s, service trade has steadily risen due to the progress in global science and technology, alongside the growth of each country’s service industry. Over the past two decades, countries have persistently worked ..

    Sungwoo Hong et al. Date 2023.12.29

    international trade, barrier to trade
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    Since the 2000s, service trade has steadily risen due to the progress in global science and technology, alongside the growth of each country’s service industry. Over the past two decades, countries have persistently worked on liberalizing service trade through negotiations and agreements within the WTO system, as well as through bilateral and multilateral trade agreements. The rapid acceleration of digital transformation, particularly since the onset of COVID-19 pandemic, is anticipated to further elevate the contribution of service trade to the economies of major countries worldwide.


    Services and the global value chain are intricately interconnected. Services not only serve as a significant input in the manufacturing sector, which is the most complex component of the global value chain, but they also facilitate both forward and backward linkages in the production process. The recent movement undertaken by Latin American countries to open their service markets might be driven by a policy goal to increase involvement in the global value chain, especially focused on the manufacturing industry, while aiming to enhance the competitiveness of their service sector.


    Currently, Korea’s exports remain predominantly centered on manufacturing-based product trade, posing challenges in enhancing competitiveness within the service sector. This pattern is notably reflected in Korea’s trade with Latin America. Exports from Korea to Latin America primarily revolve around manufacturing-oriented product trade, with limited engagement in service-related trade and collaboration between Korea and Latin American nations. As global economic recovery stalls due to increased protectionism and a sluggish export environment for Korea, there’s a shift in approach by both the government and companies. They are moving away from the previous Korea-Latin America cooperation model, which was primarily focused on manufacturing-centered product trade, to instead expand into service trade and innovate new solutions within the service sector.


    While the expansion of global services trade and the movement to open service markets in Latin American countries offer opportunities for Korea to engage in trade and collaboration within the service sector, there is a dearth of comprehensive studies detailing the extent of service industry openness in these nations. This scarcity extends to both policy frameworks and academic research that could logically support trade expansion in the service sector and foster cooperative efforts with Latin America.


    The anticipated opening of service markets in Latin American countries is poised to increase global value chain participation by enhancing the input of services both regionally and internationally in product trade. As these countries embark on this movement, it’s foreseeable that there will be structural changes in their global value chain participation. Given this impending shift, there’s a necessity to anticipate and plan for the future.


    Against this backdrop, the primary aim of this study is to assess the level of service market openness in major Latin American countries and to establish the rationale for economic cooperation between Korea and Latin America within the service sector.


    In Chapter 2, service import statistics categorized by mode are presented for eight Latin American countries. Among these nations, Brazil and Mexico, owing to their sizable economies, stand out in terms of Mode 1 and Mode 2 imports, with similar dominance observed in Mode 3 imports within the distribution and other business service sectors. Upon analyzing bilateral service imports across these eight countries, it was evident that the United States notably leads in Mode 1 and Mode 2 imports, particularly in usage fees related to intellectual property rights, finance, transportation, and other business services. Korea ranks among the top countries only in Mexico’s Mode 1 and Mode 2 imports, specifically in the transportation sector and intellectual property royalties. However, Korea contributes to a considerably lower proportion of service imports of Latin American countries.


    In contrast to goods trade, China’s presence in Mode 1 and Mode 2 service trade within Latin America appears relatively low. While it is a leading country in construction, maintenance and repair, other business services, transportation, and financial services, this predominance is observed in a few Latin American nations. However, given the consistent rise in China’s investments in Latin America, there’s an expectation that China’s share of Mode 3 service imports is likely to increase substantially.


    Chapter 3 identifies the level of service market openness and significant constraints within the Pacific Alliance and MERCOSUR member countries. This evaluation is based on an analysis of the STRI created by OECD, laws and regulations of each country, and the extent of concessions in both multilateral and regional trade agreements. Examination of the domestic laws in major Latin American countries reveals actively seeking inward foreign direct investment, resulting in a reduction of regulations in the service sector. For the most part, there’s no discrimination between local and foreign investors in most service sectors, with few areas prohibiting or imposing restrictions on investment, except for specific cases.


    By contrast, in sectors such as coastal transportation, maritime transportation, air transportation, road transportation, and banking services, all eight Latin American countries restrict foreign investment. Consequently, the degree of investment liberalization is notably high in business services, construction services, and distribution services, excluding transportation services.


    However, the analysis reveals that the level of service concessions in these countries is notably lower compared to the degree of investment liberalization based on domestic laws. According to the WTO service concession, seven countries (excluding Uruguay) exhibit low concession levels in the computer and related services sector. Notably, in the DDA service concession, only Mexico, Chile, and Peru demonstrate significant improvements in this area. Analyzing the changes in concession content between the Best FTA and the WTO service concession, a distinctive trait in the Pacific Alliance countries is a marked promise of significantly expanded openness, particularly in the business service sector.


    Broadly, there are noticeable improvements in concessions, especially in other business services, real estate services, and rental/lease services. Among professional services, enhancements in concessions are evident in legal services, accounting and tax services, as well as architecture and engineering-related services. However, in MERCOSUR member countries, although some partial concession improvements are occurring in business services, the overall level remains very low. Similarly, in transportation and logistics services, while there’s gradual improvement, the level of concessions still lags significantly behind other service fields, indicating limited expectations for substantial improvements in the future.


    Chapter 4 aimed to empirically address whether the establishment of additional services trade agreements, alongside the existing goods trade agreements, impacted the forward and backward linkages of Latin American countries. The analysis scope was also extended beyond Latin America to examine which sectors’ regulatory levels in the service industry significantly influenced GVC participation of the respective countries.


    The empirical analysis revealed that when a Latin American country, either from the Global North or South, engaged in a bilateral service trade agreement with a Global North country, the backward linkages of Latin American exporting nations were notably reinforced. Moreover, among Latin American countries, when a Global North nation finalized a service trade agreement with another Global North country, the forward linkages of Latin American exporting nations also increased.


    This trend suggests that the signing of service trade agreements between Latin America and developed country might have facilitated the entry of competitive service firms into Latin America. It’s possible that this enhanced connectivity between the service industry and manufacturing is likely to result in an increase in offshoring, thereby further fortifying forward linkages.


    Based on the estimated results under the hypothesis that the impact of GVC might differ across various service sectors, it was observed that in the country’s textile and clothing industry, an increase in backward linkages occurred as regulations were relaxed in the telecommunication service, logistics service, and transportation service sectors. Similarly, in the crude oil, chemical, and non-metal industries, the easing of regulations within the logistics service sector contributed to reinforcing the country’s backward linkages in these specific industries.


    Particularly within the crude oil, chemical, and non-metal industries, the relaxation of regulations in professional services led to a decrease in the forward linkage of the relevant country. Further analysis is necessary to understand why this outcome was notably evident in these specific industries. One plausible explanation could be that professional services, such as engineering services, play a more crucial role in these industries compared to others. Therefore, the effect of substituting services due to market opening might have been more pronounced, particularly as competitive professional services in these technology-intensive sectors are utilized. In addition, this shift might have prompted a tendency for exported goods to move closer to the downstream sector of the value chain, potentially leading to a rise in direct processing of these goods into final products consumed within the importing country.


    For a significant duration, a trade structure has been established where Korea exports manufactured goods to Latin American countries, while these countries predominantly export primary products to Korea. This structure has led to heightened competition for Korea against other competitive manufacturing countries in Latin America, notably China, resulting in a continuous decline in Korea’s manufacturing exports to this region. Recognizing this challenge prompts the need for a new economic cooperation model between Korea and Latin America.


    One potential avenue for such cooperation involves penetrating the national service markets in Latin America. This could offer a mutually beneficial model that not only enhances Korea’s exports to these regions but also supports Latin American countries in their efforts to strengthen participation in GVCs. Therefore, it’s crucial to identify areas where Korea can collaborate with Latin America in service sectors where Korean companies hold a comparative advantage. These areas include construction services, distribution services, logistics services, business services, and transportation services required across various stages of production.


    The empirical analysis in this study indicates that the liberalization of information and communication, logistics, and transportation services bolsters the involvement of exporting countries in GVC within the textile and clothing sectors. This finding carries significant implications for certain Latin American nations with pivotal textile and clothing industries. Middle- and low-income countries in Central America are currently grappling with the challenge of establishing a stable and efficient textile and clothing supply chain. To meet the efficiency standards expected by global buyers, the provision of high-quality services that enhance the entire production process becomes essential. Consequently, the significance of logistics, transportation, and communication services utilized across the production process is growing. The rise in demand for services in the textile and clothing industry within Latin America may present an opportunity for Korean service companies.


    Furthermore, continuous monitoring becomes crucial as investment opportunities in Latin America are anticipated to grow in the future. The empirical analysis results of this study suggest that the opening of the service market in Latin America or the signing of a service trade agreement did not significantly impact the forward linkages in the Latin American manufacturing industry. This outcome could be attributed to the situation where although the service market opening theoretically reduced offshoring costs to Latin America, it did not translate into increased offshoring practices in reality.


    A significant reason behind this could be the persistently inadequate human and physical infrastructure in Latin America, a concern raised consistently in the past. Despite the increased potential for offshoring, the region’s participation in global value chains continues to remain below anticipated levels due to the longstanding issue of underdeveloped infrastructure.


    Should Latin American countries collectively recognize this critical need, it’s highly probable they will prioritize enhancing human and physical infrastructure as an increasingly crucial task. Particularly, amidst the rising interest in Latin America during the ongoing global supply chain reorganization, addressing these challenges becomes even more imperative. Consequently, future investment opportunities in Latin America are likely to emerge, particularly in sectors such as education, construction, and communications. Consistent monitoring of these developments becomes more essential than ever.

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  • 일본의 글로벌 공급망 리스크 관리와 한·일 간 협력방안 연구
    Japan’s Global Supply Chain Risk Management and Korea-Japan Cooperation

    This study outlines the Japanese government’s economic security strategy in response to the U.S.-led global supply chain reorganization, and analyzes the geographical risks of the Japan’s supply chain and the management polici..

    Gyupan Kim et al. Date 2023.12.29

    economic security, economic cooperation
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    This study outlines the Japanese government’s economic security strategy in response to the U.S.-led global supply chain reorganization, and analyzes the geographical risks of the Japan’s supply chain and the management policies on critical products. It also examines Korea’s supply chain management policy and provides policy implications for Korea-Japan cooperation in the following sectors: semiconductors, batteries, and critical minerals.


    Chapter 2 analyzes Japan’s economic security policies, especially export control and the two measures included in ‘the Economic Security Promotion Act’ which are highly related to global supply chain reorganization or domestic supply chain reinforcement. This research also evaluates the policies from Japan’s perspective in the context of the US-led global supply chain reorganization. Based on the findings that Japan participates in multilateral frameworks, is careful not to directly provoke China, and is more interested in pursuing economic benefits through bilateral cooperation with the U.S., this chapter attempts to evaluate Japan’s strategy from two perspectives: Japan’s position on US-led multilateral global supply chain reorganization (IPEF, MSP), and US-Japan bilateral economic security cooperation.


    Chapter 3 analyzes Japan’s supply chain risks, focusing on its geographical dependence on China. This study adopts Inomata and Hanaka’s (2021), Pass-Through Frequency indicators (PTF) an indicator of how often a high-risk country or industry appears in a particular supply chain. The results indicate the Chinese industry appears more frequently than average in the supply chain where Korea and Japan are the final producers and raw material exporters are the source countries. This feature is more pronounced in the transport equipment manufacturing industry for Japan and in the IT manufacturing industry for Korea. In addition, the findings show that the supply chain connecting the manufacturing industries of Korea and Japan is vulnerable due to heavy dependence on China, and the degree of dependence may be underestimated by the quantitative indicator than the frequency indicator. Finally, it is noteworthy that the supply chain between Korea’s and Japan’s IT industries and America’s public administration and defense industries, as well we health and social services industries, which are highly important from the economic security perspective, are heavily linked to China.


    Chapter 4 delves into the Japanese government’s supply chain management policy for critical products under ‘the Economic Security Promotion Act’. Several supply chain reinforcement policies have been announced, starting with ‘the Economic Security Promotion Act’ in May 2022, laying the groundwork for the Japanese government to implement support measures by setting a budget and selecting private companies. However, among the 11 critical products designated by the Japanese government, the study examines the characteristics and tasks in the supply chains of 5 materials: semiconductors, batteries, critical minerals, permanent magnets and antibiotic substances. The study also covers the supply chain reinforcement support project, and other reinforcement projects other than the Economic Security Promotion Act. To understand the purpose of Japanese government, 11 materials are divided into two groups according to whether the purpose is to secure choke points from an economic security perspective (offensive strategy) or to strengthen industrial competitiveness (defensive industrial policy). Finally, the study evaluates an industrial policy that the Japanese government is carrying out to strengthen the competitiveness of the semiconductor sector.


    Chapter 5 provides an overview of Korea’s supply chain management system and sectoral policies for semiconductors, batteries, and critical minerals based on the three laws (Framework Act on Supply Chain, Special Act on Materials-Parts-Equipment, Special Act on Resource Security). The analysis reveals several institutional differences between Korea and Japan in terms of disclosure of important items, budget allocation, method of business support policy, relationship between the framework law and the early warning system (EWS). The study deepens the analysis into sectoral level (semiconductors, secondary batteries, critical minerals) and compares Korea’s policies with those of Japan in order to provide detailed insights into direction of Korea-Japan cooperation. Chapter 6 not only summarizes and evaluates the discussion but also provides policy implications including policy recommendations for the topics covered in this study: △ Japan’s economic security strategy △ Japan’s supply chain risk analysis (including Korea-Japan comparison) △ Japan’s supply chain support policy △ Korea’s supply chain management policy (including Korea-Japan comparison) △ Korea-Japan industrial cooperation (semiconductors, batteries, critical minerals). 



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  • 중동·북아프리카 지역 에너지 보조금 정책 개혁의 영향과 사회적 인식에 관한 ..
    A Study on Energy Subsidy Reform and Perceptions in MENA

    In recent years, international efforts have been made to reduce fossil fuel-based energy subsidies as the energy transition has accelerated in response to climate change. As part of a social contract, energy subsidies have bee..

    Munsu Kang et al. Date 2023.12.29

    economic development, environmental policy
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    In recent years, international efforts have been made to reduce fossil fuel-based energy subsidies as the energy transition has accelerated in response to climate change. As part of a social contract, energy subsidies have been used to stabilize domestic prices and stimulate the economy, especially in the Middle East and North Africa. As a result, per capita energy subsidies in the Middle East and North Africa (hereafter referred to as MENA) have reached the highest levels in the world, and excessive government spending has also been identified as a factor preventing the expansion of social services for the most vulnerable. In light of the decarbonization trends and research showing that energy subsidies contribute to air pollution, subsidy policies are at a critical crossroads between reduction and maintenance. However, the Arab Spring in 2011 occurred in countries that attempted to reduce energy subsidies and resulted in consumer prices rises contributing to political instability.  More recently, the overall increase in energy subsidies since 2020 was also an attempt to stabilize the domestic situation by overcoming the economic downturn through the successive outbreaks of the COVID-19 pandemic and the Russian-Ukrainian war. Despite its importance, there is little research on the impact and social perceptions of energy subsidy policies in the MENA region with coverage since thelate 2010s.


    To fill this gap, this study focuses on the impact of energy subsidy policies on the economy and environment, and social perceptionsof energy subsidies in the MENA region. Using satellite data such as nighttime lights and air pollution concentrations, this study examines trends in energy subsidy policies and levels in the MENA region in the 2010-2021 period. Lastly, we conducted an online survey to examine awareness of energy subsidy policy and policy reform in the MENA. Based on these findings, this study proposed recommendations for energy subsidy policy reform, taking into account the the MENA context


    Chapter 2 discusses trends in energy subsidies and policy changes in the MENA. Overall, the size of energy subsidies has declined significantly since 2010. In particular, the subsidy share of GDP in 2010 reached 9%, compared to only 4% in 2016 . However, the size of the subsidies has increased again since 2016, and it is generally on the rise, with the exception of 2020, when COVID-19 took place.


    Six countries included in this study(Egypt, Lebanon, Jordan, Morocco, Tunisia, and Saudi Arabia) provided energy subsidies through social contracts under authoritarian systems of government . After reducing or suspending subsidies to ease the government's financial burden, the government budget was reduced by raising domestic fuel prices. Also, governments used their budget to support the poor, improve infrastructure, and expand social protection programs. Additionally, efforts have also been made to introduce a price indexation system for petroleum products. In several countries, including Egypt and Tunisia, this process led to anti-government protests and a return to government policies. In terms of subsidy reform, Morocco and Jordan have been considered successful. This is because Morocco, in particular, had a greater chance of success because it implemented subsidy reform in the mid-2010s, when oil prices remained low. MENA countries are constrained in their ability to reform energy subsidies because they must not only stabilize their domestic situation but also make sure that external shocks do not lead to price increases.


    In Chapter 3, we examine the impact on energy subsidies on economic activities in the MENA region. Upon examining the impact of energy subsidies on nighttime illuminance, it was found that both the proportion of subsidies to GDP and their per capita subsidy affected the brightness of nighttime lights. Subsidies on electricity, in particular, have increased the brightness of nighttime lights. This shows that reducing electricity rates through the payment of electricity subsidies increases electricity consumption in the home and service sectors, as well as having a positive effect on the industrial sector.


    Chapter 4 examines the impact of energy subsidies on air pollution. This study analyzed emissions data of three types of air pollutants, including NO2, CO, and PM25. Expansion of energy subsidies is contributing to an increase in nitrogen dioxide emissions, which can also be attributed to an increase in industrial production, electricity production, and road traffic. Specifically, electricity subsidies and natural gas subsidies contribute to nitrogen dioxide emissions, while oil subsidies contribute to ultrafine dust emissions. Previous studies have shown that energy subsidies have a relatively small impact on carbon monoxide emissions, but, a lot of carbon monoxide is produced by sandstorms, so it is unclear whether the expansion of energy subsidies has fully contributed to carbon monoxide emissions. Additionally, we found that electricity subsidies contribute to increased greenhouse gas emissions in the electricity/heating sector, as well as oil subsidies increase greenhouse gas emissions in sectors such as transportation, manufacturing and construction. Based on these findings, it is clear that energy subsidies in the MENA contribute to air pollution, and that it is necessary to gradually reduce subsidies for electricity and oil.


    Chapter 5 examines respondents' perceptions of energy subsidies in four MENA countries (Egypt, Jordan, Tunisia, and Saudi Arabia). The results of the online survey s with a total of 2,040 respondents, indicate that respondents in the MENA region generally prefer policies that reduce energy prices to those that provide social security benefits. In addition, the MENA region is unique in that it tends to oppose improving social security services as an alternative to energy subsidies. There appears to be a difference in preferences between income levels when it comes to energy subsidy policies and social security benefits. The government system should expand social security services targeting vulnerable groups in order to attract middle-income citizens . This indicates that it is important not only to improve, but also to increase awareness of groups other than low-income groups. Residents of the MENA region are more likely to agree with reducing subsidies for global efforts to combat climate change and decarbonization than with reducing subsidies for government fiscal soundness or expanding social services . A campaign to reduce energy subsidies should take this into account.


    Chapter 6 presents policy recommendations based on the previous discussion results. This study highlights the need for a gradual reduction of energy subsidies in the MENA region. Our recomendations also include 1) increasing subsidies for renewable energy, 2) improving energy efficiency policies and finances, and 3) supporting small and medium-sized enterprises that may be adversely affected by subsidy reform, 4) improving and expanding public transportation systems, 5) improving social security services, and 6) reducing fossil fuel energy subsidies as much as possible.

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  • 중동부유럽으로의 EU 확대 평가와 향후 전망
    Enlargement of the European Union: Evaluation and Outlook

    This study assesses the previous enlargement of the EU and investigates the potential enlargement EU in the future. The European Union has established itself as a politically and economically integrated community in the European r..

    Yoonjung Kim et al. Date 2023.12.29

    economic growth, economic cooperation
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    This study assesses the previous enlargement of the EU and investigates the potential enlargement EU in the future. The European Union has established itself as a politically and economically integrated community in the European region, and it continues to evolve. The biggest change in the EU in the last two decades was the massive enlargement of the EU to the countries of Central and Eastern Europe in 2004, when eight Central and Eastern European countries joined the EU together at the same time. The discussion of EU enlargement, which has been stagnant since the last enlargement when Croatia joined the EU, seems to have been revitalized by the recent Russian invasion of Ukraine. As further changes in the EU are becoming increasingly visible, the purpose of this study is to draw implications for Korea’s future strategy to cooperate with the EU candidate countries. To this end, Chapter 2 provides an understanding of the EU’s enlargement process, and Chapter 3 lays the groundwork for future conjectures through an economic and political assessment of existing Central and Eastern European countries since their accession to the EU. In addition, Chapter 4 examines the prospects for the accession of the candidate countries through a diagnosis of their current economies and governance, and Chapter 5 examines Korea’s cooperation with the existing Central and Eastern European countries and the current status of cooperation with the candidate countries. We conclude with the prospects for further enlargement of the EU and policy implications for Korea’s future cooperation in Chapter 6 .

    Chapter 2 first examines the process of EU enlargement, the incentives for enlargement from the EU’s perspective and the incentives for membership from the member states’ perspective. We then discuss how the fulfillment of the Copenhagen Criteria, a prerequisite for EU accession, is assessed. According to these criteria, a country must meet three main requirements to be eligible to join the European Union. First, politically, democracy, the rule of law, and human rights must be guaranteed, as well as the respect and protection of minorities. Second, economically, it must have a functioning market economy and sufficient capacity to withstand competition within the European Union single market. Finally, it must have the administrative capacity to apply the acquis communautaire regulations, criteria, and policies of the European Union, including its objectives as a political, economic, and monetary community. The fulfillment of the Copenhagen Criteria is assessed through the EU’s negotiation process with the accession candidates on 35 policy areas (chapters). We provide an overview of EU enlargement, with examples of the main issues that may arise during negotiations and discussions of changes in the EU’s enlargement strategy following the recent Russian invasion of Ukraine.

    Chapter 3 analyzes the economic and political outcomes of EU enlargement, focusing on the existing accession countries. The economic performance of Central and Eastern Europe after enlargement is analyzed by focusing on macroeconomic variables, such as GDP, GDP per capita, trade share with the EU, foreign direct investment (FDI) inflows, current account changes, and industrial structure changes. The beta-convergence analysis, which looks at convergence across countries, shows that Central and Eastern Europe has been able to enjoy a catch-up effect based on its high economic growth rates since joining the EU. In this regard, we can cautiously conjecture a link between the significant increase in FDI inflows and the development of the manufacturing sector following EU accession and economic growth. On the other hand, in terms of convergence within individual countries, we observe income disparities in the economic centers of each country, suggesting that EU accession is not a panacea. In the case of political performance before and after EU accession in Central and Eastern Europe, the World Governance Indicator data shows that improvements in democracy and rule of law occurred during the accession process. Microeconomic analysis using Eurobarometer data shows that individuals with relatively higher regards of their subjective economic conditions and assessments of domestic democracy are likely to have relatively more positive perceptions of the EU. Also, individuals with perceptions that the EU as a community sharing common values or political solidarity can be associated with having relatively more positive perceptions of the EU. It is worth noting that the explanatory power of the variables for evaluating the EU differs between Central and Western Europe. A detailed analysis of the mechanism is beyond the scope of this study, but it is a topic worth exploring further in future research

    Chapter 4 analyzes the overall economic conditions and industry characteristics of the candidate countries, focusing on macroeconomic indicators, in order to provide a more detailed analysis of the candidates’ prospects for future accession, and to identify factors that may pose challenges in the EU accession negotiation process. Although there is no direct reference to the size of economy or the income level in the EU accession negotiations, countries with low income can have issues in satisfying the Copenhagen Criteria. In particular, we found the strong negative correlation between the income level of existing accession countries at the start of negotiations and the length of time for the negotiation to join the EU. This suggests that, given the current income levels of accession candidates, it will likely be a very long time before they finally join the EU. The candidate countries are also showing relatively weak state of governance compared to the Central and Eastern Europe at their time of accession, which implies that achieving the Copenhagen Criteria and adapting to the EU legal framework is likely to be a major challenge for the candidate countries. Nevertheless, based on the current state of negotiations and the analysis in Chapter 4, we conclude that Serbia and Montenegro are the most likely candidates to join the EU, while Ukraine, given its geopolitical specificities, is also a key candidate and will be discussed in more detail in this study. However, it is unlikely that the EU will be able to rush the accession process at a rapid pace, as this could lead to a weakening of integration and increased governance problems. In addition, as accession is ultimately decided by a unanimous vote, the possibility of reducing benefits for the existing beneficiaries of EU Cohesion Funds - the countries of Central and Eastern Europe - is likely to be a major issue. For the candidate countries, it may be very difficult to fulfill the EU accession conditions if their economic and governance levels are not significantly improved, and other factors such as territorial disputes stemming from historical issues and protracted discussions may weaken the incentives for the candidate countries to improve their governance

    Chapter 5 examines the changes in economic cooperation with Korea after the accession of Central and Eastern European countries to the EU and analyzes the economic cooperation between the candidate countries and Korea. We found that FDI from Korea increased around the time of accession of Central and Eastern European countries to the EU, and that these investments were mainly concentrated in Poland, the CzechRepublic, and Hungary to establish production bases within the EU single market by taking advantage of relatively low-cost labor. Trade between Korea and Central and Eastern Europe has also increased significantly since the EU enlargement, mainly in Central and Eastern European countries with relatively better governance. The investment and trade was concentrated in manufacturing, and the data shows that automotive and construction-related industries have entered the market. In the case of the major accession candidate countries, economic cooperation is not large in terms of trade or investment currently, but in the case of Serbia, it is gradually becoming more active. In particular, it is worth noting that Serbia has lower wages and a lower corporate tax rate compared to Central and Eastern Europe, and Montenegro is the most advanced candidate in the accession negotiations, although its trade with Korea is still minimal. In the case of Ukraine’s reconstruction project, which has received a lot of attention recently, it is necessary to consider cooperation with Poland, which is likely to be a basecamp of the reconstruction project. Forming strategic alliances with European companies that have established joint ventures with Ukrainian companies can be a recommended strategy for participating in the reconstruction project

    Chapter 6 combines the findings of the previous chapters to provide an outlook on the prospects for future EU enlargement and provides policy implications for Korean companies’ entry strategies in the accession candidate countries. At this point, it seems that it will take quite a long time for the candidate countries to join the EU, but nevertheless, the EU is increasingly adding momentum to the potential enlargement. In sum, it is necessary for Korean companies to proactively draw up strategies for entering the candidate countries in the medium to long term. Given Montenegro’s friendly relations with Serbia, it is necessary to take an integrated view of entering both countries. Since Croatia is expected to take on a large part of the shipping logistics previously handled by Slovenia due to their joining of Eurozone and the Schengen Area in 2023, the ripple effect is likely to affect Montenegro as a neighboring country of Croatia. Serbia is a candidate with relatively active trade with Korea and is considered the most likely candidate to increase trade and investment with Korea. Among the three candidate countries that we focus in this study, Serbia is more likely to take over the manufacturing role of Central and Eastern Europe in the future. We conclude that Serbia is a candidate country that should be considered for priority entry and cooperation. Ukraine’s case poses geopolitical uniqueness as Ukraine is currently at war. Due to the ongoing war and current security threats, EU accession is
    much more uncertain for Ukraine than other candidate countries. In addition, it is unclear when the reconstruction project, which has been attracting attention recently, will begin. It is crucial to utilize the existing cooperation with Poland and Korea to participate in the reconstruction project from a long-term perspective.
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  • 북한의 관세 및 비관세 제도 분석과 국제사회 편입에 대한 시사점
    North Korea’s Tariff and Non-Tariff System: Implications for Its Integration into the International Economy

    This study comprehensively analyzes North Korea’s tariff and non-tariff regimes and suggests the direction of North Korea’s tariff and non-tariff regimes in the process of reform and opening up. The purpose of the study is to an..

    Jangho Choi et al. Date 2023.12.29

    customs, North Korean economy
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    This study comprehensively analyzes North Korea’s tariff and non-tariff regimes and suggests the direction of North Korea’s tariff and non-tariff regimes in the process of reform and opening up. The purpose of the study is to analyze North Korea’s tariff and non-tariff systems to reveal the direction of the North Korean authorities’ trade policy, the structure and characteristics of the legal and institutional framework, and to identify priority reforms for the country’s future integration into the international economy. This study differs from previous studies in that it is the first to quantitatively analyze North Korea’s tariff rates system. 

    Chapter 2 examines the role of the legal system in North Korea and the history and purpose of the trade regime. North Korean authorities regulate tariff and non-tariff regimes through trade laws, customs laws, and tariff rate schedules. In North Korea, the guidance and policies of the Workers’Party take precedence over the law, but for the most part, the law governs the economy as a whole. North Korea’s customs law is similar to ours in that it aims to protect domestic industries, but it does not mention raising revenue through tariffs. In practice, however, North Korea’s tariff system appears to be used to raise revenue by absorbing foreign exchange held by private owners. One of the unique aspects of North Korea’s trade laws is that they are designed to ensure national security. This stems from the closed nature of the North Korean economy, which is designed to preventpolitical and economic influence from neighboring countries through trade, as well as the transmission of foreign cultures through imports and exports that could agitate the North Korean population and threaten the socialist system.

    Chapter 3 analyzes North Korea’s tariff rate structure and assesses its industrial protection and fiscal revenue effects. A key feature of North Korea’s tariffs is the low overall level of tariffs. The average nominal tariff rate was 5.5% and the average real tariff rate was only 4.6% based on the foreign exchange rate. Structurally, the tariffs have a sloping tariff structure with higher tariff rates depending on the level of processing, but the overall tariff level is still low enough to achieve the purpose of industrial protection. By product, the relatively high sloping rates on processed food and beverages and leather textile and haberdashery products in particular suggest an intent to protect light industrial consumer goods, but the tariff rate on these final products are not very high. While North Korea states that the purpose of its tariffs is to protect industry, there are many aspects of the tariffs that are inconsistent with North Korea’s 2005 industrial policy , known as the Military-first(Songun) Economic Policies. In terms of fiscal contribution, North Korea’s tariff revenue accounted for less than 2% of total fiscal revenue, suggesting that tariffs do not contribute much to the economy.

    Chapter 4 identifies policy and institutional factors that can be considered non-tariff barriers to the integration of North Korean trade into the international trade regime. The non-tariff barriers in the North Korean trading system can be broadly categorized into policy and institutional factors. Policy factors include the centralized governance system, the goal of building a self-reliant national economy, the qualitative strengthening of the national defense force, and the strengthening of the party-state system. To achieve, non-tariff measures arbitrarily restricted trade rights, items, and volumes. In terms of institutional elements, North Korea’s centralized trade system has identified a number of measures that can be perceived as non-tariff barriers in the entire process of trade, from planning, contracting, pricing, transportation, customs clearance, and payment. The role of North Korea’s non-tariff regime was to maintain the regime and implement state plans.

    Chapter 5 examines the historical changes in the tariff regimes of Vietnam and South Korea during their economic opening and development. Although South Korea and Vietnam had different economic systems before the reform and opening up policy, they experienced a similar increase in tariff rates in the early years of reform. The first increase in tariff rates occurred as a result of ‘tariffication’, where non-tariff barriers were converted into tariff policies, and the second increase in tariff rates for protected industries occurred as a result of the policy of differentiating tariff rates by industry sector for the purpose of industrial protection. In the early stages of North Korea’s trade system reform, tariff rates are naturally expected to increase as the country moves from a non-tariff to a tariff system, and tariff hikes to protect its industries are inevitable as it integrates into the international economy.

    Currently, North Korea’s tariff and non-tariff regimes are typical of Southeast Asian transition economies in the 1980s. Tariffs are low and fail to protect industries and raise government revenue, but the non-tariff barriers are high and serve to protect the economy. North Korea’s reform of its tariff and non-tariff regimes should consist of phasing out non-tariff barriers while raising tariff barriers to fill the gaps in trade regulations left by the removal of non-tariff barriers. To eliminate non-tariff barriers, the centralized trade administration system of trade should be abolished, the trade qualification approval system should be relaxed to limit trade to its own citizens, legal entities, and organizations, and the principle of building a self-reliant national economy should be revised to allow for integration into international value chains. In addition, North Korea’s unique logistics (transportation and ship-to-ship inspection) standards and inspection regimes, as well as trade payment methods should be harmonized with international standards. North Korea’s tariff rates should be systematically increased , with lower tariffs on raw materials and equipment in the early stages of reform, and higher tariffs on consumer and final goods.

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  • 영-미 사례를 통한 미중 패권 전환 가능성 분석: 무역, 금융, 안보, 다자주의를 중심으..
    Analyzing the Prospects of U.S.-China Hegemonic Shift: Insights from Anglo-American Perspectives on Trade, Finance, Security, and Multilateralism

    There has been extensive research on the possibility of the change of the hegemonic leadership between the U.S. and China. When we take a look back the history of the modern international relations, we can recognize that there hav..

    Ihn-Hwi Park et al. Date 2023.12.29

    international politics, political economy
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    There has been extensive research on the possibility of the change of the hegemonic leadership between the U.S. and China. When we take a look back the history of the modern international relations, we can recognize that there have been specific leader countries who played leadership roles within each international structural stage. This means the previous experience of the leadership change between the U.K. and the U.S. should tell us some meaningful lessons to prospect the possibility of the leadership change between the U.S. and China. The research starts from this research question.

    Simply speaking, it is impossible for China to play the role of the U.S. in the areas of ① trade, ② global finance, ③ military security, and ④ multilateralism. Firstly in trade, most of the nations in the current international society pursue to maximize there national interests with the current liberal international trade order. Most of the nations never understand China should play a role to initiate the future international trade order in terms of value, institutions, leadership, and followership even with the many structural problems of the current trade order. Secondly, China, in particular, has not prepared a global financial leadership in the perspective of ‘gold-standard system’ which is one of the most critical preconditions for the global financial leadership. It is also interesting to know that the total volume of the US dollar in the global financial market has been smaller than before, and the same time the portion of the Euro and the Yen got larger, not the Chinese currency.

    Thirdly, militarily speaking, the military power of each country is the accumulated outcome of all the factors including economic power, operational capability, human resources, overseas military bases, hi-tech technology, etc. China is far behind the U.S. in the means of all of these factors. Especially, China is not able to use all the military resources only to face the U.S. due to the long border lines with two nuclear powers, Russia and India, and the vulnerability of the geographic conditions of the 14 neighboring countries. Lastly, the two countries may engage relatively a close competition to initiate each own-centric multilateralism. But the Chinese self-oriented principles and world view could be a critical barrier to expand the idea of China’s world order, multilateralism, mutual interests, etc.

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  • 기업결합과 혁신: 미국 디지털플랫폼과 경쟁정책을 중심으로
    Merger and Innovation: Focusing on the U.S. Digital Platforms and Competition Policy

    This study analyzes the impact of the large U.S. digital platforms such as GAFAM (Google, Apple, Facebook, Amazon, Microsoft) on their performance in terms of innovation and sales, focusing on their mergers and acquisitions (M&..

    Gusang Kang et al. Date 2023.12.29

    competition policy, 지식재산권
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    This study analyzes the impact of the large U.S. digital platforms such as GAFAM (Google, Apple, Facebook, Amazon, Microsoft) on their performance in terms of innovation and sales, focusing on their mergers and acquisitions (M&A) activities targeting numerous small and medium-sized enterprises over the past 20 years. It also identifies ‘killer acquisitions’, where these platforms acquire innovative companies that could become potential competitors, thereby potentially reducing future market competition. The study provides insights and policy implications for the Korean Fair Trade Commission’s merger review process for digital platforms.

    Chapter 2 reviews the literature on the relationship between M&A and innovation and discusses the motives for M&A in the digital platform market, including ‘killer acquisitions’. Traditional M&A motives such as economies of scale and scope, acquisition of unique technologies or new distribution channels, and increased market dominance are contrasted with those in the digital platform industry, which include securing core assets like technology, processes, and intellectual property. Recent literature has raised concerns about ‘killer acquisitions’ that may reduce or eliminate future competition, although the definition of ‘particularly competitive future competitors’ and the limited pre-emptive merger policy pose challenges.

    Chapter 3 examines the types, characteristics, and status of M&As conducted by GAFAM, categorizing them into vertical, horizontal, and conglomerate mergers. Despite the unique characteristics of the digital platform industry, most M&As have been approved by the U.S. competition authorities. However, this has led to criticism of high market concentration. Recent arguments suggest the need to actively incorporate data characteristics in assessing the competitive restraints of M&A.

    Chapter 4 conducts an empirical analysis of the impact of digital platform M&A on firm performance. It examines how ‘killer acquisitions’ affect innovation performance, using patent applications and citations as indicators. The results show that killer acquisitions have a statistically significant negative impact on patent applications, suggesting potential negative effects on overall innovation performance. We also estimate the impact of digital platform M&A on the sales of both acquiring and acquired companies, and find revealing increased sales for the acquiring firms but decreased sales for the acquired firms.

    Based on these findings, Chapter 5 suggests the following policy implications: 1) using patent data and other metrics to evaluate digital platform mergers, 2) examining methodologies such as technology similarity indicators to identify killer acquisitions, 3) considering post-regulation rather than pre-regulation, and 4) shifting the burden of proof of market competition restriction from competition authorities to the digital platforms themselves.
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  • 산업보조금의 글로벌 확산 현황과 시사점
    Proliferation of Industrial Subsidies: Current State and Its Implications

    The recent trade environment has not been favorable for Korea. Since 2018, the U.S.-China trade conflict has intensified, leading to more protectionist tendencies globally, and since 2020, the COVID-19 pandemic has led major count..

    Hyeyoon Keum Date 2023.12.29

    trade policy, subsidy
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    The recent trade environment has not been favorable for Korea. Since 2018, the U.S.-China trade conflict has intensified, leading to more protectionist tendencies globally, and since 2020, the COVID-19 pandemic has led major countries to build more resilient supply chains. As a result, subsidies have become increasingly important as a useful trade policy to address emergencies or market failures. But subsidies have the potential to distort trade and competition depending on who they target and how they are administered. And Korea, with its high trade dependence (96.8% as of 2022), can be particularly affected by the subsidy policies of its trading partners. However, the global proliferation of subsidies is likely to continue for the foreseeable future, and it is time to take a closer look at the current state of subsidy policies.

    In this study, I use statistics from the Global Trade Alert (GTA) database, which contains information on government intervention by country from November 2008 to April 2023, and the Corporate Subsidy Inventory, which contains information on subsidies only, to examine the status of industrial subsidies in detail. We also identify Korean industries that are associated with subsidies in major countries and analyze the trade changes of Korean industries before and after the implementation of industrial subsidy policies in major trading partners.

    During the analysis period, the number of industrial subsidy policies increased significantly globally. The number of subsidy measures increased from 92 in 2008 to 1,511 in 2021, with 147 policies announced in a four-month period in 2023. The country with the most industrial subsidy policies over the same period was China, with a total of 3,770, followed by the EU, the US, Canada, Japan, and India. Each of these countries' subsidy measures covered a wide range of products and industries and affected almost every country in the world, including Korea. Financial grants were the most common type of subsidy throughout the  period, accounting for 35.9% of all measures, followed by trade finance and state loans. In addition, tax or social insurance reliefs and production subsidies have been increasingly announced in recent years.

    Subsidies were reported in various manufacturing sectors, with the most relevant industry being HS84 (machinery), followed by HS85 (electrical equipment), HS52 (cotton), and HS87 (automobiles). In addition, there were many cases of subsidies in industries such as optical and precision equipment, plastics, and steel. Since 2018, HS84, HS85, and HS87 have been the most frequently subsidized industries. Since these are mostly industries where Korea is competitive in the global market or has a high proportion of exports, the more widespead the subsidy policies become, the more likely it is that Korea’s export industries will be negatively affected.

    China, the EU, and the U.S. were the major countries that used industrial subsidies during the period analyzed, but the number of subsidy announcements, the types of subsidies used, and the sectors with many subsidies differed somewhat by country. Of these major countries’ policies, the share of policies affecting Korea was 96.7% in China, 56% in the EU, and 50.9% in the U.S. In China, automobiles, machinery, pharmaceuticals, and semiconductors were the most frequently subsidized products; in the EU, environmental machinery, chemicals, and plastics; and in the US, rechargeable batteries and semiconductors.

    Based on the industrial subsidy announcements made by major countries (China, EU, and US) since 2018, we identified 280 export items and 281 import items at the 6-digit HS code level that particularly affect Korea. Both exports and imports were dominated by the machinery, electrical equipment, and automobile industries, as is the case globally. The results show that exports to the rest of the world are increasing, while the share of exports to major countries is decreasing. These results suggest that industrial subsidies in major countries may have a negative impact on Korean exports to these countries. Meanwhile, imports from major countries grew faster than imports from the rest of the world in terms of the average annual growth rate over the 2012-2022 period. However, since 2018, imports from major countries and the world as a whole have grown at similar rates. However, Korea is a significant importer of items that  major countries subsidize for their own companies, and if this situation continues, there is a possibility that domestic products may be replaced by imports from major countries.

    Based on the above analysis, this study suggests that the Korean government’s role in responding to the proliferation of industrial subsidies is to 1) lead international efforts to create a fair competitive environment, 2) expand channels of communication with major trading partners, and 3) establish effective policies to improve the competitiveness of Korean companies.
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공공누리 OPEN / 공공저작물 자유이용허락 - 출처표시, 상업용금지, 변경금지 공공저작물 자유이용허락 표시기준 (공공누리, KOGL) 제4유형

대외경제정책연구원의 본 공공저작물은 "공공누리 제4유형 : 출처표시 + 상업적 금지 + 변경금지” 조건에 따라 이용할 수 있습니다. 저작권정책 참조