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Strategies for Multilateral Cooperation inNortheast Asia through the Cruise Industry Economic Cooperation, North Korean Economy

Author Jung-kyun Rhee, Bumhwan Kim and Jiang Haixu Series 25-14 Language Korean Date 2026.02.27

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Although Northeast Asia functions as a core axis of the global economy, it faces a structural dilemma where economic cooperation is restricted due to political and security tensions between regional states. This study focuses on the cruise industry as a strategic alternative to break through this rigid environment. Due to its nature as a tourism sector, the cruise industry carries a relatively low political burden. However, it generates significant economic ripple effects across both upstream and downstream industries, ranging from port infrastructure development to the advancement of service sectors. Consequently, the industry can serve as a strategic medium for strengthening economic cooperation between nations.

The primary objective of this study is to establish a multilateral cooperation model for Northeast Asia by leveraging the cruise industry and to evaluate its practical feasibility. To do this, cruise trends in global and Northeast Asian markets and policy environments were analyzed, alongside a review of North Korea’s tourism strategies and relevant cases. Furthermore, by analyzing the limitations of existing shipping routes and regional consultative bodies, improvement tasks were derived. Ultimately, by establishing South Korea as a core hub and mediator of the Northeast Asian cruise network, this study proposes a phased policy roadmap to entice North Korea into a multilateral cooperation framework and achieve the advancement of the regional cruise industry.

Unlike previous studies that approached individual topics such as market analysis, national policy comparisons, or inter-Korean tourism in a fragmented manner, this study integrates these to analyze a comprehensive cooperation system connecting the ‘Global-Northeast Asia-North Korea-Multilateral’ levels. In particular, this study offers policy implications that differ from existing research by specifying phased scenarios for connecting North Korean ports of call, while accounting for realistic constraints such as sanctions. Furthermore, it proposes the formation of a working group as a multilateral governance mechanism to support the implementation of these scenarios.

The main contents of each chapter are as follows. Chapter 2 provides an analysis of cruise industry trends and the policy responses of Northeast Asian countries. The global cruise market recorded 34.6 million tourists in 2024, surpassing pre-pandemic levels, but Northeast Asian countries are showing differing policy stances in response. South Korea is moving away from past quantitative growth-oriented approaches and is pursuing the “2nd Basic Plan for Cruise Industry Promotion (2023-2027)” with the goal of a “qualitative transition.” With a vision of “Cruise in Daily Life,” it is focusing on industrial recovery and structural improvement by expanding the domestic demand base, supporting the launch of national cruise lines, and expanding the “Fly & Cruise” model linking air and sea travel. Japan aims to recover to 2.5 million inbound cruise tourists by 2025, significantly strengthening port receptivity and seeking to improve infrastructure and standardize CIQ (Customs, Immigration, and Quarantine) procedures. China aims to transition into a “Cruise Manufacturing Powerhouse,” succeeding in building its own large-scale cruise ships and implementing aggressive market expansion strategies, such as the full implementation of a 15-day visa-free entry policy for foreign tour groups. Russia has established its own development strategy for cruise tourism in response to Western sanctions and is attempting to reorganize its industry around domestic markets and friendly nations. It is concentrating its policy capabilities on modernizing old infrastructure and developing new routes along the Far East and Black Sea coasts.

Meanwhile, existing consultative bodies such as the Greater Tumen Initiative (GTI) and Asia Cruise Cooperation (ACC) are facing difficulties in leading substantial policy coordination due to structural incompleteness— failing to encompass all major regional stakeholders—and a lack of legal binding force. Therefore, the creation of a new dedicated body to supplement these is required.

Chapter 3 reviews North Korea’s tourism development strategy and cruise tourism cases. Under the Kim Jong-un regime, North Korea maintains a stance of “Managed Openness,” utilizing tourism as a means of securing foreign currency and promoting the regime. The recently enacted “Tourism Law” (2023) and “Wonsan-Kalma Coastal Tourism Special Zone Law” (2025) provide institutional support for this strategy. Analysis of past cases, such as the Mt. Kumgang cruises (1998–2004) and the Rason-Mt. Kumgang pilot operation, confirmed that while rich tourism resources and the special zone system are positive factors, vulnerabilities such as lack of infrastructure (port depth, terminals), unfavorable profit structures, and safety issues still persist. This suggests that future cooperation should be designed to compensate for these structural constraints.

Chapter 4 specifies plans for expanding Northeast Asian multilateral cooperation. The core is the construction of a “Multi-nodal Loop Route” that connects four to five countries, going beyond simple bilateral round trips. In the West Sea region, a short-distance circulation model connecting Incheon-Nampo-China (Dalian/Dandong) was proposed, and in the East Sea region, a northern logistics-tourism complex route connecting Sokcho/Busan-North Korea (Wonsan/Rason)-Russia (Vladivostok)-Japan (Sakaiminato) was suggested. In doing so, the operation of small and medium-sized cruise ships and the application of the “Fly & Cruise” model are essential, considering sanctions against North Korea and the shallow water depth (8–11m) of North Korean ports.

Furthermore, to provide an incentive for North Korea’s participation, the study presented an alternative of guaranteeing indirect foreign currency income—within a range that does not violate sanctions—by charging a “Port Stay Fee” on a per-ship or per-passenger basis upon entry. As a governance mechanism to implement this, the establishment of a “Northeast Asia Cruise Cooperation Working Group” under the GTI Tourism Committee, involving member countries such as Korea, China, Russia, and Mongolia, as well as Japan and North Korea, was proposed.

Northeast Asian cruise cooperation should be promoted in stages, considering the sanction environment and infrastructure gaps. The short term is a period for laying the foundation for cooperation, activating the “Northeast Asia Cruise Cooperation Working Group” to share port and navigation information and initiating discussions on standardizing CIQ procedures to solidify the basis for cooperation. The medium term is a period for the expansion of cooperation, pursuing the conditional connection of North Korean ports of call only when safety and compliance with sanctions have been verified. The long term is the stage where the cruise network is completed, establishing a multi-nodal maritime tourism belt connecting five Northeast Asian countries (South Korea, North Korea, China, Japan, and Russia) on the premise of sanction relief and normalization of relations, and maximizing network efficiency by diversifying the functions of each country’s ports. South Korea should utilize its geopolitical advantages to play a leading role as a physical hub of the Northeast Asian cruise network and as a mediator that draws North Korea into the arena of multilateral cooperation.

This study is significant in that it designs a practical multilateral cooperation model mediated by the cruise industry, which possesses low political sensitivity and significant economic ripple effects. Amid ongoing geopolitical tensions in Northeast Asia, it presents a policy path for incorporating North Korea into the regional economic cooperation framework through South Korea’s role as a mediator. However, the phased cooperation scenarios derived in this study depend on the cooperative will of each country and volatile external variables such as the easing of sanctions against North Korea and improvement of inter-Korean relations, thus entailing realistic limitations in determining the timing and speed of actual policy execution. Therefore, future research should reflect scenarios of rapidly changing Northeast Asian situations, involve economic feasibility analysis by route, and carry out specific follow-up studies on legal and institutional detailed designs and financing plans to ensure the stable operation of the proposed multilateral consultative body.

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